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Limiting Aid and Access: A New Tactic to Target Civilians

July 26th, 2010 by Shannon Orcutt

Resource shortages have erupted throughout Darfur and critically affected camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs), major cities, and villages in each of the three states. Erosion created by the heavy rainy season has left many roads difficult to travel upon if not impassible.  This constraint, combined with the Government of Sudan limiting access for humanitarian operations – including the AU/UN joint peacekeeping taskforce (UNAMID) – has left many Darfuri civilians in dire need as food, fuel, shelter, medical supplies, and water scarcity prevails.

While resource shortages are not a new phenomenon to Darfuri civilians, the scope of the problem has rapidly increased in June and July as weather-worn roads have prevented aid convoys from reaching many parts of the region and the Khartoum government has restricted flights as well as other humanitarian entry throughout Darfur. Humanitarian organizations and UNAMID heavily rely upon these flights, especially during the rainy season, to reach displaced civilians and those in need and also to assess the security situations throughout the area. While flights have been continuously obstructed by the Sudanese government obtaining permission to fly has become increasingly difficult and according to UNAMID, flight cancellations due to Sudanese government restrictions have “risen from 21 per cent in May to 77 per cent in June 2010.” UNAMID patrols are essential to provide security for the Internally Displaced Person (IDP) camps and also to determine the situation on the ground. When convoys are restricted, civilian protection cannot occur, and in conflict-prone regions such as Jebel Moon and Jebel Marra, very little is known about the current conditions civilians face.  Humanitarian organizations cannot be expected to operate effectively in these conditions – without the use of helicopters and planes to transport materials and aid personnel, organizations have very limited options due to security risks and the poor conditions of the roads.  The ability to fly would place humanitarian workers at less risk, especially considering a recent surge in kidnappings; however, due to the recent restrictions it is becoming increasingly difficult for aid organizations to function, leaving the Darfuri civilians who depend upon them for survival in immensely difficult situation.

In another disturbing twist, described in the recent report by the UN Secretary General on the UNAMID mission, flights that could have provided emergency evacuation for UNAMID soldiers who tragically bled to death were not permitted by the Sudanese Government. The lack of permission for air support also prevented the soldiers from following the perpetrators responsible for the attacks.  In response to international criticism on restrictions to aid and access, a leading member in the dominant National Congress Party (NCP) stated that the Sudanese government has “full sovereignty to take any measures that fall in the interest of the Sudanese people.” Evidently saving the lives of peacekeepers or bringing justice to their attackers is not in the interest of the Sudanese people, or at least the Sudanese government.

Flight cancelations have not been the only restriction to access. According to UNAMID many convoys have been denied entry without even being given any explanation. Many fuel tankers have also been restricted in the region and the lack of gasoline has led to a plethora of other issues, primarily a shortage of water. Many of the wells in Darfur are deep pits which require machinery to pump water to the surface. Without adequate fuel to run the machines, people are forced to go without water even during the hottest period of the year.  Adequate water has been a major issue in Kalma, the second largest IDP camp in the world which hosts over 100,000 IDPs. The closest well that does not require gasoline to pump water is nearly 6 miles away and women who leave the camp put themselves run high risks of rape and other gender-based violence. Many IDP camps, such as Kalma, heavily rely upon aid organizations for resources such as food and fuel and when those supplies are blocked the situation on the ground can rapidly deteriorate.

Shortages, furthermore, are not restricted to IDP camps and are also found within larger cities such as El-Fasher, the capital of Northern Darfur. Earlier this month the city hospital ran out of medicine after deliveries that were supposed to resupply the facility failed to arrive. The fact that a major hospital, especially one located in a capital surrounded by IDP camps, could run out of medical supplies is incredibly troubling.

The Sudanese government has shifted the blame for the limited humanitarian access to the general security situation on ground. However, these restrictions have been present throughout the region and not purely confined to conflict areas. The constraint of access for UNAMID peacekeepers and humanitarian organizations appears to be yet another tactic aimed at Darfuri civilians, one that exploits poor road conditions and recent clashes between the government and rebels to deny entrance to those who attempt to protect and deliver aid to the Darfuri people. The international community must pressure the Sudanese government to allow full access for UNAMID forces and aid agencies to ensure civilians receive the protection and resources they depend upon.

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A Global Call for Justice

July 26th, 2010 by David Tannenbaum

On September 19th, the Big Apple will host one of many events that have become traditional for the movement pursuing peace in Sudan. “Global Days for Sudan” is a gathering of activists all across the world. There are many different locations and events, but the goals of all the determined activists are the same: peace and justice in Sudan. Members of countless activist groups are planning for the day. Luckily, they have a history of successful “Global Days” that have provided a persistent light down a sometimes dark path.

Global Days for Sudan

Activists in Melbourne, Australia beat their drums for Darfur. Uploaded on September 18, 2006 by The Lab.

The first Global Day for Darfur occurred on September 17, 2006, in concurrence with the sixty-first meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. The violence in Darfur was at its peak, and the united demands of activists around the world helped ensure that the genocide in Darfur did not go unnoticed. Since that pivotal September day, other Global Days have had similar results. In December 2006, one was planned to highlight rape and sexual violence in Darfur. On April 29, 2007 a third Global Day for Darfur called for the immediate deployment of a peacekeeping force to Darfur. More recently, in January and April of 2010, Global Days took place across the world once again, marked by the constant beat of drumsas famous and novice musicians alike played their drums for Darfur. Throughout their history, Global Days have served as a constant reminder that no individual or organization in the activist community for Sudan is alone.

The fight for peace and justice in Sudan is a battle fought by Irish, Dutch, Kenyans, and many other activists from every corner of this vast planet. Only by standing together can we ever hope to achieve the many goals for Sudan. Global Days allow us to do so, uniting our hopes and desires for a better future in Sudan.

Stay Posted. Further information regarding the upcoming events will be sent out as the big day approaches. All are welcome, and All are needed. If you wish to plan your own Global Day please let us know!

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Refugees International’s “Sudan: Preventing Violence and Statelessness as Referendum Approaches”

July 26th, 2010 by Jennifer Smith

IDPs in Sudan

Refugees International released a report last month entitled, “Sudan: Preventing Violence and Statelessness as Referendum Approaches,” that provided recommendations for protecting vulnerable populations of southerners residing in the north and northerners in the south in the event southern Sudanese vote for separation in January 2011. These minority communities are at serious risk of possible harassment, loss of citizenship, property and other rights if north and south Sudan separate without adequate protections in place.

A number of displaced southerners in the north told R.I. that they already face discrimination and difficulty finding housing and employment and wish to return to the south before any potential violence erupts after the referendum.  Others we spoke with are attaining education and employment in Khartoum well beyond what would be possible in the south, and they fear forced expulsion from the north.  It is difficult to identify how many people want to return to the south and how many are integrated and would prefer to remain in the north. The international community must support both those who opt to return and those who want to stay. Read the rest of this entry »

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UPDATED: Save Darfur at Netroots Nation 2010

July 23rd, 2010 by Allen Combs

Update: You can watch today’s panel about the Movement to end Genocide on USTREAM from 4:30 to 5:45 PM (PT).

The Save Darfur Coalition, Enough Project and Genocide Intervention Network are hosting a panel discussion at this year’s Netroots Nation conference in Las Vegas. The session, Zero to Sixty: The Rapid Evolution of the Movement to End Genocide, will take an in-depth look at how a small student-led movement grew into a worldwide coalition of hundreds of organizations and millions of individuals.

The panel discussion will be moderated by GI-Net’s Janessa Goldbeck and feature Martha Bixby (Save Darfur’s Director of Campaigns & Outreach), Laura Heaton (writer and editor at the Enough Project), John Prendergast (co-founder of the Enough Project), and Omer Ismail (founder of the Sudan Democratic Forum and co-founder of the Darfur Peace and Development Organization).

If you’re in Vegas for the conference, please come participate in our session on Friday, July 23rd from 4:30 to 5:45 PM in Miranda Room 1-2. If you can’t make it, please check back next week for all the highlights from our panel and Netroots Nation 2010.

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The Beja of Eastern Sudan

July 22nd, 2010 by Michelle Sawyer

With six months before the referendum, the international community is often reminded to keep Darfur a priority. However, nearly no attention has been given to the situation in eastern Sudan since the Eritrean-mediated peace agreement of 2006.

The Beja, the largest ethnic group in eastern Sudan, have long been marginalized by the government in Khartoum. In the mid-1990s, the Beja Congress rebelled against the Bashir regime in order to attract attention to the plight of the Beja people and to gain a larger representation in the government. According to Reuters, the 2006 accord that ended the fighting awarded the East “one junior minister in Khartoum, an assistant to the president, an adviser to the president, eight parliamentary seats in Khartoum and 10 parliamentary seats in each of the three eastern states. A $600 million development fund was also established under the deal, to be paid over four years.”

While the peace agreement has in some ways helped, the situation in eastern Sudan remains dire. The region is one of the poorest in Sudan and is still victim to economic and cultural repression from Khartoum. Given the situation and the long-running neglect of issues in eastern Sudan, we wanted to share the following petition recently sent by the Beja Congress and Friends of the Beja to the Obama Administration:

A Petition by the Beja Congress and Friends of the Beja To End the Government of Sudan’s Human Rights Violations Against the Beja of Eastern Sudan:

We, the undersigned, urge the United States Congress, empowered by the American People in this democracy, to advise President Obama and his Administration through the Offices of Vice President Joseph Biden, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and Sudan Special Envoy Major General R. Scott Gration to:

1.     Acknowledge the indigenous Beja people of Eastern Sudan with a Congressional Resolution and/or other legislative means as a marginalized people group, oppressed and persecuted by the National Congress Party (NCP) Government of Sudan and provide urgent humanitarian assistance to the Beja people in the current crisis caused by their marginalization of the NCP. Read the rest of this entry »

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‘Let Us Go’

July 22nd, 2010 by Shannon Orcutt

After looking around through various Sudanese artists’ websites we came across Mary Boyoi a talented signer/songwriter from Southern Sudan. Mary, who unsuccessfully campaigned in the recent elections for a seat in the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly, wrote the following song “Let Us Go” about the referendum and the desire of many in Southern Sudan to secede from the North.

As an organization, we at Save Darfur do not have a preference for unity or secession.  Instead, we believe that the referendum must be conducted in a free and fair environment to allow for all Southern Sudanese to express their choice without fear of intimidation. This is the clearest way to implement the spirit and letter of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and to prevent a return to war. But, check out her entertaining video and the lyrics below:

YouTube Preview Image

While many in the South are pushing for independence, several Sudanese throughout the country also are striving for unity, you can find an Al Jazeera video report on artists who campaign for Sudan unity here.

Lyrics to “Let Us Go”:

When this war started
South Sudan was so young
North look at us as children
They didn’t even bother to listen
to what we have to say
When we grown up a few years ago
We saw Unity not attractive
That is why we say let us go

Let us go, go, go, go
We will make it
Leave us a..a…a…alone
We will make it
(x2)
Oh my God come and help
South Sudan akoon dahla (to become country)
Horia ma balgo saakid (freedom you can not get free)
balgo fi dam gabil kide kan dafick (through the blood which was poured before)
achan kide taal sowit, sowit, sowit (that is why you should vote vote vote)

Let us go, go, go, go
We will make it
Leave us a..a…a…alone
We will make it
(x2)

Can you hear you the trumpet calling?
Everyone march on
steadfastly determination closer to the mount top
it is not time to guess and wonder… ah hah
you vote your voice you need your future … ah hah
Put an end to sorrow that have clouded our lives now
Sudan my home I give my vote my help to be much stronger
I can see referendum coming ah hah
My vote my voice and I will give it ah hah

Let us go, go, go, go
We will make it
Leave us a..a…a…alone
We will make it

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ICC Member Chad Welcomes Al-Bashir

July 21st, 2010 by Megan Flemming

Today, Sudanese President al-Bashir arrived in Chad to attend a Sahel-Saharan summit in N’Djamena. With his arrival, Chad has become the first ICC member state to welcome onto its territory a suspect wanted by the ICC. Until today, al-Bashir had only travelled to countries that are not ICC member states since the court issued its first warrant for his arrest in March 2009.

Al-Bashir’s visit comes after a series of steps by Chad and Sudan to end their long-running proxy war and improve relations. On Tuesday, Sudan expelled two of the most prominent Chadian rebel leaders, Mahamat Nouri and Timan Erdimi. According to the Associated Press, upon his arrival in N’Djamena al-Bashir told reporters, “Chad and Sudan had a problem in the past. Now this problem is solved. We are brothers.”

The Chad-Sudan rapprochement was welcomed by the Save Darfur Coalition as a significant and positive step toward peace in the region. But the neighboring states’ improved relations must not be allowed to threaten accountability for the crimes in Darfur. ICC member states and UN Security Council members that support the ICC’s Darfur cases, including the United States, should urgently press Chad to arrest al-Bashir and hand him over to the ICC for trial.

Ahead of the visit, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a statement calling on Chad to block al-Bashir’s entrance or to arrest him upon arrival. As Elise Keppler of HRW’s International Justice Program declared, “a political deal between Chad and Sudan is no justification for shielding alleged war criminals. Instead of protecting a fugitive from justice, Chad should urge Sudan to cooperate with the ICC.”

While Chad’s decision to allow al-Bashir’s entry is unwelcome news and should be condemned by the international community, recent weeks have yielded several positive signs regarding the ICC’s relationship with African states and leaders. Last week, the ICC announced plans to open a new liaison office in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, after years of discussion with the African Union. Further, at a conference on the future of international criminal justice in Africa last Friday, the Chief Justice of South Africa’s Constitutional Court, Sandile Ngcobo defended the ICC’s work in Africa and noted that allegations that the Court has unfairly targeted Africa do not hold up under scrutiny.

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Amnesty International: Torture Methods used by the NISS

July 21st, 2010 by Esha Bera

Amnesty International’s new report “Agents of Fear: The National Security Service in Sudan” includes a number of detailed stories of those who have survived NISS torture. The human rights organizations cites NISS documents that reveal many brutal torture methods used by NISS, such as: electric shocks, severe beatings and whipping, the denial of restroom facilities, sexual abuse, and many other types of abusive and inhumane treatment. In addition, the NISS for years has been taking their victims to “ghost houses” in and around Khartoum and torturing them in these unofficial, undisclosed locations.

The following is a passage from the report on the section on torture:

“NISS agents use psychological torture as much as physical torture. This is demonstrated by the environment they create during interrogations, the vocabulary they use, as well as some of the methods they rely on to weaken the mental state of their victims and make them more vulnerable and hence more willing to “confess”. The scene of an interrogation was described by many survivors of torture as a stage on which NISS agents perform different roles and where the victim is made to go through various stages of psychological suffering, leading sometimes to a “confession”.

Abdelshakour was moved back and forth between the electric shock room and the hot room until 5 that evening. At 5pm he was taken to another place and made to sit against a wall until 10 pm. At 10 pm, he was taken for another interrogation. Abdelshakour Hashim Dirar was released from NISS detention on 3 September 2008. He now lives in exile.”

Survivors of torture often link a certain feeling, smell or sound to their   memory of torture. One Chadian survivor of torture at the hands of the NISS told Amnesty International that during his detention in Darfur, NISS agents used to play music every time they tortured them. They, the detainees, found it strange because the house in which they were kept was remote and it was unlikely that anyone could hear their screams. “When I asked some people about it after my release, someone told me the reason they did it was to make us relive our torture every time we heard music playing…

At noon the same day, he was taken to the top of the building and exposed to the sun for an hour with his hands tied behind his back. He was then thrown into a room with a hot air conditioning system and no windows. He said that the heat was intolerable and no human being could survive long in it. He was kept there for a few hours, enough to cause damage to his skin. He was then taken out and moved into another room where NISS agents administered electric shocks through his hands and feet. He received eight shocks initially.

“Abdelshakour Hashim Dirar is a lawyer, a member of the Darfur Bar Association, and brother-in-law of Suleiman Sandal Hajjar, a JEM commander. On 14 May 2008, he was arrested from his office in Omdurman by NISS agents in uniform. Around 30 armed men arrived in three vehicles. Ten of them dragged him from his office, blindfolded him and threw him into one of the vehicles. Abdelshakour was held for four months and described being tortured on a regular basis. He said he was held in solitary confinement for long periods, and the door of his cell would open at night and security agents would enter and whip him repeatedly.

Abdelshakour described various methods of torture he suffered in the space of one day:On 17 May 2008, the day after an interrogation in which he denied having any links with the JEM, NISS agents arrived and started beating him. The beating continued for two hours; seven NISS agents were involved, five in uniform and two in plain clothes. They used their bare hands, kicked him and hit him with plastic water pipes.

On the first day of his arrest, Abdelshakour spent almost five hours blindfolded up against a wall and was then taken for interrogation. The NISS agents asked him some questions, then forced him to take off his clothes. That is when the beating started. He was beaten with plastic water pipes and electrical wires. The torture lasted until around 5am the next morning. Abdelshakour fainted three times and was dragged to the bathroom, had water thrown on him to wake him up, and the torture resumed.

Abdelshakour was interviewed by a number of different people during his detention. All questioned him about the JEM’s plans and about traitors within the Sudanese Armed Forces. Every time he repeated that he knew nothing about the JEM he was tortured again.

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Vice President Biden on International Cooperation for Sudan

July 21st, 2010 by Michelle Sawyer

Back in early June, the Save Darfur Coalition urged Vice President Biden to keep Sudan a priority as he embarked on a weeklong trip to Africa. The letter reminded the Vice President that the United States, as a guarantor of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, has an obligation to ensure successful referenda in Southern Sudan and the Abyei region. On Sunday, June 18 in an interview with Jake Tapper on ABC’s This Week, Vice President Biden assured audiences that he is still “hopeful” that the referenda will occur as planned. He went on to say:

[The referendum] must be viewed as credible to keep that country, that region, from deteriorating. The last thing we need is another failed state in the region.

As the administration’s Special Envoy for Sudan, General Scott Gration, mentioned in his speech during the United States Commission for International Religious Freedom, the U.S. has “waning influence” in Sudan, so it is paramount that we work multilaterally in order to see that the referenda occur on time and the results are respected internationally. In order to achieve these goals, Vice President Biden has been working with the UN, Southern Sudanese President Salva Kiir, Chairperson of the Africa Union High Level Implementation Panel Thabo Mbeki, and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

As 26 organizations stated in a recent joint paper, “Renewing the Pledge,” it is imperative that the United States and the other guarantors continue working together to “bring in the requisite diplomatic, financial, and technical resources to put in place the requirements for the referenda, and after the vote, to improve Sudan’s stability and dire state of human development.” Vice President Biden’s efforts are a good step forward, but for the international community to be confident that the referenda will be successful instead of just “hopeful,” there is still much to be done.

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Arbitrary Detentions and Enforced Disappearances in Sudan

July 20th, 2010 by Esha Bera

Amnesty International has just released a report called “Agents of Fear: The National Security Service in Sudan.” In this extensive paper, there are horror stories and detailed information about the National Intelligence and Security Service’s (NISS) activities in Sudan. Over the past two years, NISS has been responsible for the disappearances of countless individuals, particularly human rights defenders and Darfuris.

This new paper really hits at the heart of Sudan’s security state and the repressive tactics of the regime in Khartoum. The following is a passage from the section on arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearances, one of the many categories addressed in the Amnesty report:

“According to information collected by Amnesty International from various sources, there are around 200 individuals arbitrarily detained following the Omdurman attack whose fate and whereabouts remain uncertain until the present day. Very little information is available about their conditions and the government of Sudan has not made any official statement acknowledging the detention and whereabouts of these individuals. Amnesty International considers them to be possible victims of enforced disappearance in Sudan.

In April 2010, the government revealed it had buried 108 individuals, all alleged JEM fighters, who were allegedly all killed during the attack on Khartoum. The government reported that DNA tests had been carried out before the deceased were buried but has not yet made public any of the information relating to these individuals.

Hashem Abdelshakour Hashem is the youngest NISS detainee known to Amnesty International. He was only nine months old when he was detained with his mother Zubeida Sandal Hajjar and his aunt Zahra Sandal Hajjar on 8 June 2008. Zubeida Sandal Hajjar’s husband, Abdelshakour Hashim Derar, was a lawyer and member of the Darfur Bar Association who was arrested by the NISS in Khartoum on 14 May 2008 and was being held incommunicado at an unknown location at the time.

NISS agents came to the family home in Khartoum, claiming that they wanted to take Zubeida and Hashem to visit Hashem’s father in detention. Zahra was also asked to accompany them on their visit. However, the NISS agents took the women and child to an unknown detention centre. They were all kept together in incommunicado detention until their release.

The two women are the sisters of a JEM commander, Suleiman Sandal Hajjar. They were held in various NISS detention centres and unofficial places of detention. The women were reportedly interrogated about the whereabouts of their brother every few days.

Their diet was poor and consisted of Sudanese beans. Zubeida said the food was too salty and often inedible. At one point, they were transferred to a detention centre that was reportedly full, and had to spend entire days in the sun. The women were kept at times in a very small and dark cell and had to create a makeshift bed for Hashem with their thowbs. Zubeida described how hard it was for him to sleep on the floor of the cell and that he used to sleep mainly during the day, in her arms.

Hashem suffered an eye infection in detention and was not seen by a doctor. Zubeida was threatened more than once with having Hashem taken from her if she did not “confess” where her brother was. The three were released on 20 August 2008.”

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