New York Times' Columnist Nicholas Kristof

As part of my internship at the Save Darfur Coalition, I was asked to listen to the Voices on Genocide Prevention podcast by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. To my surprise, the interview for this particular session was with my activist idol, Nicholas Kristof. His articles have been a consistent source of information about the unrest in Darfur and have, in many ways, been a beacon of hope. Having attended many of his lectures, I expected this podcast to be similar; however, this interview took an unusual twist.

Rather than discussing the importance of individual voices in the fight against genocide, he spoke mainly about Darfur’s media attention. He admits that the media absolutely oversimplified the issue and perhaps created unrealistic expectations for the Sudanese about Western intervention. Kristof explains that though the media is responsible for the simplification of the issue, the attention that this crisis received saved many lives in both Darfur and Chad. Though Kristof has interacted with the victims of the most brutal crimes, particularly against women, his message seems neither jaded nor pessimistic. Though he can’t deny the Western media’s mistakes, he sees the Darfur movement as a huge milestone in human rights activism.

It is undeniable that the international community has far from mastered its reaction to genocide. The devastating loss that Darfur, Sudan has experienced cannot be undone and, as an activist community, we must critique our own response to genocidal regimes. But, to me, Kristof’s responses in this podcast were extremely encouraging. For someone so revered in the human rights world, it is reassuring to hear him acknowledge that strides have been made. Kristof’s travels to the Congo and Darfur have put him in contact with both perpetrators and victims. His insights and understanding of this situation are immeasurable. To hear him say that the Darfur movement has actually saved lives affirms my own motivation to continue to work for a free and fair Sudan. Listen to the podcast here.

Earlier this week, a student with the Girifna movement was detained and tortured in Khartoum.

Girifna held a press conference in which Mahdi, the detained student, detailed his detention (in Arabic) and the organization has more information on their site (also in Arabic).

The African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies released the following statement in response:

ACJPS Condemns the Silencing of Political Activists

On 15 March, Abdallah Mahdi Badawi, an 18 year old accounting student at Ahlei University and member of Girifna was detained and tortured in Khartoum. Girifna is an election and civic education campaign started by Sudanese youth during the registration period, and is colloquial Arabic for “we are fed up”. The movement is calling for free and fair elections, and uses orange as its signature color to signify its commitment to nonviolence and peaceful democratic change.

That afternoon, Mahdi received a call from “Hassan”, one of the newest members of Girifna. Hassan requested that Mahdi meet him at Khartoum University. When Hassan did not arrive, Mahdi entered the University; however, Hassan called moments later and the two met. Hassan was accompanied by another young man, and the three walked to a local café to discuss Girifna activities and plans. On their way, in an empty alley behind the café, Hassan and the other man pulled out pistols and forced Mahdi to follow them to an office.  He was taken to a small room which had photos of Salah Gosh (the former Director of the National and Intelligence and Security Services, NISS) and tortured. He was beaten by 13 men with sticks, hoses, and electric wires, and interrogated as to the Girifna movements’ activities and sources of funding, and was taunted as to what he was “fed up” about. The agents placed a pistol near his head and pretended to squeeze the trigger, and threatened to make him drink a liquid that they claimed had a virus that would kill him. Mahdi was told that they were the same people who had killed Mohamed Musa, the Darfuri student found murdered in Omdurman in February.

A senior officer identified later as Lieutenant Mohamed Noor Aldaiem forced Mahdi to sign by fingerprint 6 pieces of paper, including an invoice that stated that he owed 100,000 Sudanese pounds to Lieutenant Aldaeim. His captors encouraged him to join the National Security forces.  Other pages included a list of the names of Girifna members and their contact details, and a statement that Girifna receives funding and support from the SPLM. Mahdi was then released in an area unknown to him.

Arbitrary arrest, detention and torture violate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the UN Convention against Torture. Information available to the African Centre indicates that Mahdi was targeted for no other reason than his association with Girifna and his involvement in peaceful political activities. The African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies calls on the government of Sudan to respect the provisions of Article 39(1) of the Sudan Interim National Constitution, which provides that every “citizen shall have an unrestricted right to the freedom of expression, reception and dissemination of information”.

In the context of the elections, such actions by Sudanese authorities indicate a pattern of silencing civic engagement by its own people, which is demonstrative of severe restrictions on civil and political freedoms. The African Centre is concerned that free and fair elections cannot take place in such an environment. The unflinching resolve of Sudanese security services to infiltrate the Girifna movement, and to cause such serious damage to one of its members, shows an unwillingness to tolerate opposition voices.

Abou Shouk Camp, near El-Fasher (Save Darfur/Mark Lotwis)

A month ago in one of my first meetings in Khartoum, I sat through an extended lecture from Dr. Hasabu Abdel-Rahman, the Humanitarian Aid Commissioner.  For more than an hour, he extolled the ability of the Sudanese state to provide for the millions of displaced in Darfur and sharply critiqued the international humanitarian assistance efforts.  It was his opinion that Darfur is well on its way to a full recovery. He shot out statistic after statistic to make his case, including that over 1.2 million Darfuris had returned home from 2007 to 2009 – a number flatly denied by numerous sources during the rest of our trip.

Dr. Hasabu also wanted us to know that international NGOs lack appropriate transparency mechanisms . He complained that while the Sudanese government is forced to sign numerous “treaties” and documents holding them accountable for international assistance that donors and NGOs act with few constraints.  His argument carried with it the implicit accusation that one of his employees made directly when we visited Abou Shouk camp outside of El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur.  This man argued with a straight face that 80% of the budget of INGOs goes to administrative costs and only 20% go to services for the people. He said that these organizations are making millions off of the suffering in Darfur.

Therefore, I found it highly ironic yesterday when I read a story in the Sudan Tribune about Dr. Hasabu:

The Sudanese cabinet issued an unannounced decision to investigate the disappearance of 10 billion pounds from the ministry of humanitarian affairs, a newspaper reported today.

The Akhir-Lahza newspaper said that the council of Ministers wants a probe into the performance of the ministry and the relationship between the minister and the state minister.

Furthermore the report indicated that the humanitarian aid commissioner Hasabu Abdel-Rahman has been relieved from his duties but did not say when the decision was taken. The Sudanese official is running for parliamentary elections and is therefore prohibited from keeping his position at the ministry.

The newspaper quoted reliable sources saying that issue is an outcome of what it called the chaos in decision-making within the ministry and spoke unaccounted funds including eight billion pounds earmarked for the emergency program, two billion pounds for humanitarian action.

I hope Dr. Hasabu takes care in his own involuntary return.

Rebels from SLA-AW stand guard in Nertiti, Jebel Marra (Photo: Reuters, 2008)

Darfur’s troubled region of Jebel Marra remains under the radar of international concern, despite ongoing hostilities taking a serious toll on the local population. Significant numbers of civilians continue to flee their homes into IDP and refugee camps as the situation deteriorates, with neither humanitarian relief nor peacekeeping protection available.

Jebel Marra is a mountainous area in central Darfur (see map below), and is allegedly the rebel faction SLA-AW’s last stronghold. With talk of a (now faltering) peace agreement in Doha involving Darfur’s most viable rebel group (the JEM) and another with the new rebel alliance (the LJM), and amid reports of divisions among the SLA-AW, Khartoum seems determined to gain control of Jebel Marra once and for all. While there’s no independent way to confirm the extent of civilian deaths (estimates are well into the hundreds) and human rights abuses committed during the fighting, it is clear that all parties to this latest outbreak of violence have been responsible for obstructionist measures that have prevented the local population from receiving the assistance it desperately needs.

Darfur's Jebel Marra region, southwest of UNAMID Force Headquarters in El Fasher. Image based on a UN Planning Map. The boundaries and names shown are for reference only and do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by any party.

The most significant attacks have occurred in Kidingeer, Leiba and Fugoli, Feina and Deribat, which has severely affected the 300,000 people living in Jebel Marra, many of whom are currently displaced and are deprived of access to international humanitarian aid since the NGOs and UN have forced out of the region. In a recent article, Julie Flint stated that the amount of civilians killed in Jebel Marra is the highest since UNAMID began its deployment with over 35,000 regular troops and 12,000 militiamen in Jebel Marra. An assessment completed by the UN and several NGOs in mid-February estimated that around 2,000 families had recently arrived in Nertiti (site of a Rwandan UNAMID company) with over 5,000 new arrivals in Thur and Guldo after the fighting in Eastern Jebel Marra forced civilians to flee their homes. Since the violence in Jebel Marra continued to escalate after the assessment, the amount of displaced is bound to have increased significantly.

With resounding claims that the war in Darfur is over, the crisis in Jebel Marra cannot be ignored. The current loss of lives and livelihoods demand both international outrage and attention. So “where are the cries of “Never again” now that they are needed?” Help the Save Darfur Coalition and others raise the alarm about the devastation in Jebel Marra.

It is our mandate both to act and to demand action – and the time to do so is now.

Contact Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at 202-647-4000 today and ask her to condemn this violence and work with the international community to mobilize support for Darfuri civilians.

Last week, Special Envoy Scott Gration released a statement on International Women’s Day and Sudan, reflecting on “the unique challenges and horrors that women as a group have had to endure and continue to face in Sudan.” He described the women of Darfur and Sudan not as mere victims of events unfolding around them, but as key leaders and peacemakers. These statements are welcome. But as all Sudan advocates know by now, words must be backed with actions.

Aid and support for Darfuri women and girls

One year after Oxfam Great Britain had its license to operate in Northern Sudan revoked by the Government of Sudan, Oxfam’s Alun McDonald reflected on the lasting impact of the March 4th, 2009 expulsions:

Support for victims of violence, particularly rape and sexual assault, has also suffered. 14 of the 16 expelled agencies had projects working to support victims of sexual violence and many of the trauma counselling projects, women’s health centres and support networks that were shut down have not been adequately replaced.

In his International Women’s Day reflections, the Special Envoy concurred that since the March 2009 expulsion of aid groups by the government of Sudan, “many services for addressing gender-based violence and its consequences have not resumed, and the women of Darfur have suffered accordingly.” This recognition is welcome – especially after Gration’s early negotiations with the Government of Sudan on the restoration of aid following his appointment as Special Envoy failed to restore these critical services.

Its also worth noting that the US government – and indeed we as advocates – must take care not to portray the pre-expulsion aid environment as one in which SGBV services were widely available at adequate levels throughout Darfur. On the contrary, aid groups providing such services faced myriad hurdles even before the expulsions. Most importantly, the Special Envoy should explain how the US government is working to improve the availability of protection and human rights services in Darfur, in particular services designed to assist women and survivors of gender-based violence. Access to these services must be ensured not only in and around IDP camps and urban areas, but also to Darfur’s rural population. Recent violence in the Jebel Marra region has shown just how insecure much of Darfur – particularly rural areas – remains.

Addressing impunity

The Special Envoy’s statement notes only that “we should resolve to do better at ending impunity for GBV.” U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice similarly declared last week: “We particularly are concerned about the importance of holding accountable violators who employ sexual violence against innocent civilians in Darfur.” Indeed, one of my colleague Sean Brooks’s primary impressions after returning from his recent trip to Darfur was just how pervasive impunity is in Darfur. The environment that UNAMID officials have described as “calm but unpredictable” can be terrifying for average civilians – and options for civilians to safely report acts of violence, particularly sexual violence, are extremely limited. The Special Envoy must go further than describing the need resolve to do better at ending impunity, and explain how the U.S. will work to end impunity in Darfur.

Women in the peace process

In his reflections, the Special Envoy noted that “On Darfur, women continue to play a significant role in peace process.” Gration must ensure that the input and recommendations of Darfuri women and civil society broadly are firmly integrated into peace negotiations. The Special Envoy has lauded recent progress made with the signing of a ceasefire and framework agreement between the Government of Sudan and the Justice and Equality movement, and is invested in supporting ongoing negotiations between these two parties and with other armed movements in Darfur. While these negotiations hold potential, they must focus on the specific concerns of the conflict’s victims, rather than attending mostly to the interests of the armed parties. The fact that the recent framework agreement between JEM and the Government of Sudan includes an amnesty provision offering “general amnesty for the civil and military members of the Justice and Equality Movement Sudan” is a worrisome sign that accountability remains a low priority for those negotiating.

As Sudan advocates, we must ensure that Darfuri and Sudanese women are not merely paid lip service on an annual international holiday, but that their capacity and concerns form pillars of the US’s Sudan policy. As Gration eloquently stated on International Women’s Day, “It is the strength, resolve, and leadership of the women of Sudan that will be the deciding factor in making Sudan a land of peace, stability, and prosperity.”

Though the conversation focused on hopes that the voting will proceed peacefully, what struck me was the way the speakers talked about the freeness and fairness of the elections.  As a group, they seemed to agree that genuinely free and fair elections are not possible with the overbearing security laws and media restrictions still in place this close to the start of polling.  They also noted the complicating factors of the crisis in Darfur and allegations of census fraud in the North.  But – perhaps most importantly – everyone treated this point like more of a foregone conclusion than a question still up for debate.

As an activist, the idea that Sudan’s elections may have reached the “point of no return” for being free and fair is powerful.  It substantiates what we have long feared: that flawed elections could be used to provide a repressive, genocidal regime with the legitimacy it so desperately seeks.  With less than a month before polling begins in Sudan, this idea should galvanize our efforts to call the elections what they are — a far cry from democratic — and show them as such to the world.  The Obama administration must lead the international community as these elections unfold and stand firm in its commitment to democracy and human rights.  Click here to send a message to President Obama not to sanction the results of an illegitimate electoral process in Sudan.

As a 2010 Carl Wilkens Fellow, I am excited for opportunity to introduce a new project to the anti-genocide community. I am thrilled to announce that yesterday on March 14, 2010, the One Million Bones project officially launched in Albuquerque, New Mexico

One Million Bones is a fundraising art installation designed to recognize the millions of victims who have been killed or displaced by ongoing genocides, creating a visual demand for solutions to this issue. Our mission is to increase global awareness of these atrocities while raising the critical funds needed to protect and aid displaced and vulnerable victims.

The goal of One Million Bones is for one million people to each create one bone to represent one victim of genocide. In the spring of 2013, each bone will be installed on the National Mall in Washington, D.C.  Like a mass grave, the installation will recall the millions of victims of genocide, and demand action from the American people, our policy makers, and the worldwide community to end ongoing atrocities.

To raise funds, One Million Bones requests a sponsorship of $5 for each bone submitted in hopes of generating $5 million. Proceeds will be donated to our beneficiary organizations — Genocide Intervention Network, Enough!, and Women for Women International.

To open the project up to a larger audience of people and to raise further funds, the project offers a second way to participate. This option will allow individuals who would like to be a part of the project but who cannot create a bone to make a $15 contribution that will enable a bone to be manufactured and sponsored in their name. These manufactured bones will be constructed of biodegradable materials impregnated with seeds. When the installation is completed, One Million Bones will distribute these bones to be buried with a foreseeable future of growth. That way this project will not end with the installation; rather, it will renew itself the following year. Hopefully, this regeneration will celebrate the end of one or more outbreaks of genocide; if not, it will reinvigorate the movement calling for an end to the atrocities.

The importance of this project within the anti-genocide movement lies in its mission to create a visual movement that is based on civic engagement and participation. One Million Bones offers an open, creative and educational environment in which students can address the issue of genocide. The project also offers an opportunity for individuals to find their voices in this movement, while creating a visual space where that voice will be heard and understood in a tangible way. But the most important component of this project is to use the momentum and participation to change the behavior of the international community regarding genocide.

I am excited for the opportunity to introduce this project to the anti-genocide community and to ask for your support.   On behalf of the One Million Bones project, I invite all of you to be a part of it… to find your voice through your actions, your hands, your eyes and your vision.  For more information please visit our website at http://www.onemillionbones.org

SLA Fighters in Jebel Marra, 2007 (Photo: Reuters)

The situation in Jebel Marra remains unstable and essentially unknown as thousands of civilians to pour into IDP camps and flee to neighboring countries, while outside organizations continue to be denied entry into Deribat and its surrounding areas.

The critical lack of independent monitoring and investigations in Jebel Marra combined with obstructionism by belligerent parties makes credible information on the crisis disturbingly non-existent. On March 8^th, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) made a statement that they were in control of the region while SLA-AW denied the claim, both of which are impossible to verify.

UNAMID launched a patrol to assess the situation on March 5^th which was ambushed and seized by apparently unidentified gunmen. The 60 peacekeepers were later released but their weapons and vehicles are now in the in the possession of the attackers. According to Radio Dabanga a government delegation from South Darfur was also ambushed on March 12^th leaving SLA-AW and SAF contradictory claims the only information on the situation in Jebel Marra.

In a recent post on the SSRC blog “Making Sense of Sudan,” Julie Flint reflects on the poignant absence of international outrage. “Where are the Save Darfur activists?” she asks, adding in an article for the Daily Star that “2002 is being rerun in 2010 – despite Save Darfur, despite UNAMID, and despite the ICC.”

As Save Darfur – a unique community of activists and rights organizations – we have been called to action. The international community and the Save Darfur movement worked hard to see the deployment of UNAMID. Now – amid the worst fighting in the 27 months since its deployment and as crucial national elections approach – this voice is as essential as it ever was. Likewise, activists and NGOs from around the world fought tirelessly to ensure UNAMID was provided with essential equipment like tactical helicopters capable of rapid intervention. Now that these gunships have arrived, it is our responsibility to ensure they are used to enhance UNAMID’s peacekeeping presence and enforce its mandate to protect civilians.

The global community needs to express its concern, mobilize support for Darfuri civilians caught in these clashes, and remind international policymakers why they should care about what’s going on in Jebel Marra. It is our mandate both to act and to demand action – and the time to do so is now.

Contact Secretary of State Hillary Clinton at 202-647-4000 today and ask her to condemn this violence and work with the international community to mobilize support for Darfuri civilians.

The rushed-together DPA helped precipitate the complete unraveling of non-signatory rebel movements – which proliferated from two to almost 30 by 2007. It is therefore more good news that ten factions have recently united as the Liberation and Justice Movement (LJM) and appointed a respected former governor of Darfur to represent them. In the coming days, they may sign their own “framework agreement” with the Sudanese government upon which the mediators would begin working with the parties to draft a final text. If this happens, only a few movements will remain outside of the talks. The holdouts, however, include Abdel Wahid al-Nur who, while based in Paris since 2006, has maintained popularity and allegiances among many of the millions of displaced persons living in camps throughout Darfur.

The IDPs will ultimately help decide the agreement’s fate by voting with their feet. Almost all IDP leaders continue to claim that the security conditions are not suitable to return to their villages. The Sudanese government, however, claims that 90 percent of Darfur is now secure and, therefore, IDPs should begin voluntarily returning home. While systematic violence in Darfur has markedly declined, there remain volatile hotspots and the lack of peace makes any decision to return fraught with risk and uncertainty.  It is also true that returning home for many would mean leaving behind basic services – such as clean water, education, and health care – often available in the camps or nearby towns.

The international community for the past four years has attempted to bypass Abdel Wahid as his unmovable pre-conditions for negotiations (which include disarmament of the notorious janjaweed and the removal of ‘settlers’ on the land of the displaced) amount to the full implementation of a peace agreement. Some countries and envoys have tried to promote other commanders and politicians among his tribe, the Fur (the largest and historic rulers of many areas in the region), to leadership positions. This strategy has largely backfired – creating more divisions among the movements and in some cases deeper allegiance to Abdel Wahid. A more successful approach has been supporting the involvement of civil society and IDP leaders in formal peace talks. Last November, 170 such Darfuri delegates met in Qatar and produced the Doha Declaration affirming their collective views on a number of issues to be included in any final agreement.

Meanwhile, the endgame of the Sudanese government remains unclear.  The sudden announcement of the agreement with JEM resulted primarily from the rapprochement a few weeks earlier between Sudan and Chad, which had been supporting JEM in its proxy war with Sudan since 2006. At the same time that Bashir’s government sees a benefit in negotiating a deal with JEM and perhaps the LJM, it has launched a massive offensive on the territory controlled by commanders loyal to Abdel Wahid. In two weeks of fighting, the UN estimates that up to 400 civilians have been killed and 40,000 displaced. Clearly, a military solution remains part of the government’s strategy.

In this regard, the omnipresence of the military and intelligence services in the major cities and the fear of uncontrolled militias loyal to the government and various armed movements in rural areas continue to suffocate the potential for local dialogue about Darfur’s future. Rather than engage Darfuris on solutions to local security challenges, the Sudanese government continues pushing upcoming elections as a political solution to its Darfur problem. Election results that will represent the popular will seem wildly far-fetched. Opposition leaders and human rights activists, for example, have been recently detained without charges and many of the conflict-affected communities lack candidates on the ballot to represent their interests. Elections, therefore, could serve as a catalyst for even more violence.

This gap between the government’s rhetoric for peace in Doha and its repressive policies in Darfur only further distances it from emerging constituencies for peace. Continued rebel infighting means also that they have generally ignored demands for peace and the specific concerns of the conflict’s victims. So while some Sudanese and the international community believe that these framework agreements could offer the best road yet to sustainable peace, a senior UNAMID official speculated to me recently that any agreements signed in Doha (even if by all the various factions) may not change much on the ground in the short term.

Only a joint commitment by both the Sudanese government and the movements to rebuild trust with the people of Darfur, so that the root causes of the conflict can be addressed, will lead to a durable peace. This means ensuring the inclusion of Darfur’s civil society in the ongoing negotiations and capable mechanisms for local participatory politics and governance in any final agreement.

Imam Abdul-Malik, Archbishop Aykazian, Kirk Betts, Ruth Messinger, Galen Carey and Rev. White-Hammond gather in front of the Capitol Building

Last week, I attended a prayer breakfast hosted by the Interfaith Sudan Working Group (ISWG), a coalition of Jewish, Muslim and Christian organizations working together for a lasting peace in Sudan. Since its founding several years ago, the group has held multiple events to raise awareness of the conflict.

The prayer breakfast brought advocates, clergy and Congressional staff together to discuss the need for peace and an end to human suffering in Sudan, particularly as the elections approach.

In working with our coalition and activists, I am constantly struck by the diversity of the movement – people of all ages, political affiliations, faith traditions and life experiences have come together to say that they can no longer “stand idly by.” Faith leaders at the breakfast came from the American Jewish World Service, Muslim Alliance in North America, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, the National Association of Evangelicals, the Episcopal Church, Lutheran World Relief, the Armenian Church of America, the Religious Action Center of Reform Judiasm and the African Methodist Episcopal Church.

Following the breakfast, the Interfaith Sudan Working Group delivered copies of the children’s fairy tale book, Humpty Dumpty, to all 535 Members of Congress as a reminder that the situation in Sudan is fragile and could break at any second. Read more about the event here and email melissa@savedarfur.org to learn about how your faith community can be involved in Sudan advocacy.