GI-Net/SDC's Daniel Sullivan (center); Alex Zucker of Auschwitz Institute (left); Former Hungarian Ambassador Andras Simonyi (right)

Yesterday, GI-Net/SDC Senior Policy Analyst, Daniel Sullivan, delivered a keynote address on genocide prevention at the International Symposium on Cultural Diplomacy.

In his address, Daniel laid out the unique aspects that define the modern era of genocide prevention efforts, highlighting the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle, the recommendations of the Genocide Prevention Task Force, and the role of advocacy groups growing out of the Save Darfur Movement.  A key theme was the expansion of modern efforts to include “genocide and mass atrocities” and “other crimes” such as the four crimes identified by the R2P concept: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing.  This follows both the desire to avoid definitional issues that impede timely and effective action and the recognition that the same efforts for early warning, diplomatic intervention, rapid response, and use of force if necessary apply to the protection of civilians in mass atrocity situations that do not fit a particular definition.

The modern era of genocide prevention has also been defined by the emergence of new tools for fighting genocide including justice (in the form of the International Criminal Court), focus on what Human Rights First calls enablers of mass atrocities (such as companies involved in conflict minerals), and non-governmental organizations, whether those providing early warning and preventive measures on the ground or those amplifying the voices of threatened civilians throughout the world.

Seeking to hone the tool of justice, the Institute for Cultural Diplomacy, which sponsored the symposium, just launched a new Initiative on the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, seeking to achieve a “fast-track, concrete legal resolution to halting current instances of genocide taking place in conflict zones across the world.”  At the same time, groups like GI-Net/SDC continue to hone the tool of advocacy.

As Daniel concluded last night, “Ten years after Rwanda, the world had to ask why genocide was unfolding once again in Darfur. The hope is that with efforts like ICDs initiative and groups like GI-Net/SDC, we will not have to ask the same question again ten years from now.”

Activists nationwide then signed into twitter and used the hashtags #AskAmbRice and #Sudan to ask Ambassador Rice how the U.S will work towards empowering UNAMID to better protect civilians in #Darfur in 2011. Thanks to your support, the Ambassador took Mark’s question on Darfur this afternoon.

Watch Ambassador Rice’s response (fast forward to 37:23 to hear Mark’s question answered):
Live Videos by Ustream
You can also visit Ambassador Rice’s Ustream channel.

Update: You can watch today’s panel about the Movement to end Genocide on USTREAM from 4:30 to 5:45 PM (PT).

The Save Darfur Coalition, Enough Project and Genocide Intervention Network are hosting a panel discussion at this year’s Netroots Nation conference in Las Vegas. The session, Zero to Sixty: The Rapid Evolution of the Movement to End Genocide, will take an in-depth look at how a small student-led movement grew into a worldwide coalition of hundreds of organizations and millions of individuals.

The panel discussion will be moderated by GI-Net’s Janessa Goldbeck and feature Martha Bixby (Save Darfur’s Director of Campaigns & Outreach), Laura Heaton (writer and editor at the Enough Project), John Prendergast (co-founder of the Enough Project), and Omer Ismail (founder of the Sudan Democratic Forum and co-founder of the Darfur Peace and Development Organization).

If you’re in Vegas for the conference, please come participate in our session on Friday, July 23rd from 4:30 to 5:45 PM in Miranda Room 1-2. If you can’t make it, please check back next week for all the highlights from our panel and Netroots Nation 2010.

June 26th was the International Day of Victims of Torture and to commemorate that day the Save Darfur Coalition has put together a series of true stories of torture from Darfuri victims. This day and blog are both dedicated to those who have experienced torture around the world and particularly the victims of Darfur. Despite the continuation of large scale attack, burning, looting and displacement, Darfuri students have demonstrated their persistence to continue their education with the hope that one day they might be of help to their people whose lives have been filled with suffering. However, the arrests, abductions, torture and killing remain a threat for Darfuri students coming to study in the capital of Khartoum. Below are a few examples of many attempts to silence Darfuri students through torture and violent intimidation.

Mohamed Musa was a 23 year old from the city of Kabkabiya in North Darfur and a student at Khartoum University. He was abducted on February 10, 2010 from the university after his final exam by the SNISS and taken to an unknown location where he was severely beaten.  His body was found the following day after an entire day of torture, and was taken to a hospital to analyze and find the cause of his death. The national security personnel refused to analyze the body and tried to force his students (colleagues) to take the body and bury it without making any noise. After the consulting with lawyers from Darfur Bar Association, the students refused to receive the body. As a result, 6 students were arrested. Mohamed Musa’s father and mother both mourned and tried to come to Khartoum even though it was expensive and dangerous due to the security situation. Their friends and family raised money but they were only able to buy one plane ticket. His father went to Khartoum but was detained by SNISS who tried to intimidate him into burying his son’s body without searching for the cause of death. After pressure from demonstrations and appeals from pro bono lawyers from the Darfur Bar Association (who provide legal aid to Darfuri victims), Mohamed Musa’s father was finally released. The medical investigation proved that Mohamed Musa was subjected to severe torture. This case illustrates how he went through physical inhumane torture which led to his death and how his father has endured such unimaginable psychological torture. While the SNISS denied that they killed Mohamed Musa, later on they arrested another student from the Grifna campaign in Khartoum during the April elections and showed him photos of Mohammed Musa’s torture and said the same would happen to him if Grifna didn’t stop. That incident alone is a clear indication that the government of Sudan’s security agents had tortured Mohamed Musa to death.

Osman Mohamed Ibrahim Alnugaimi is a 26 year old Darfuri student who just graduated from Khartoum University where he was chairman of the Darfur Student Association. On October 25, 2009, he was hit by a pickup truck driven by the Sudanese government’s security forces and NISS intelligence services and abducted near the University of Khartoum. He was taken to the NISS ghost house, a place with high walls, many dark rooms, and terrifying images of the previously tortured victims. He was interrogated and tortured just for being a Darfuri and a student activist. They told him to stop his activism: “You have to stop being a smart student, we have disciplined many Darfuri people and students; if you don’t stop, we will know how to discipline you as well.” He was severely tortured using different methods. They hung him upside down and hit him in the head and at the ends of his feet. They also tortured him by electric shock, cold water, laying him on a hot solid bar, and hitting everywhere on his body with iron stick. He was verbally assaulted and psychologically tortured with demeaning words that they always use with Darfuri victims.  His family and colleagues looked everywhere but they couldn’t find him. Sadly, he was found the next day thrown under one of the main bridges in Omdurman City near Alzuwada Cafeteria. He was in a very critical situation. He was bleeding and had many injuries, wounds and bruises around his body. He was unable to stand and was taken to the emergency room at the hospital where he remained under intensive care for several weeks.  He was only able to leave the hospital after 3 months. However, he still hasn’t completely recovered from the pain and the psychological impact of the torture.

Away from Khartoum, IDPs (internally displaced persons) are targeted by the Security Forces in the government. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre there are currently at least 4.9 million IDPs in Sudan. Below are examples of government abuses in the IDPs camps.

Duma Idriss Handal was a son of the Darfur village of Um Hyay in North Darfur, 42, a graduate of Faculty of Information at University of Omdurman who was pursuing graduate studies. He was active and involved in the demands of Darfur through just and legitimate writing in local newspapers and addressing seminars and conventions for student groups.  Duma Idriss was repeatedly attacked by the Janjaweed, who are loyal to the government of Sudan in the conflict between the Government of Sudan and the Darfurian armed groups. When the violations began, Duma’s friends and family fled to the Abu Shouk camp for displaced persons near El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state. He established the camp with his family including his father, mother and sisters. Duma called for a halt to violations blatantly exercised by the Khartoum government and Janjaweed forces loyal to it against innocent and defenseless civilians. He was arrested twice early on in the crisis. The first time was after an armed struggle when he was placed under arrest from 2002-2004 and was subject to the ugliest forms of physical and emotional torture, solitary confinement, beatings, deprivation of food and drink for long periods. After the May 10, 2008 attack by forces of the Justice and Equality Movement on Omdurman and the government’s subsequent crackdown on Darfuri population, the sons of Western Sudan and the sons of Darfur called on the government publicly to stop such violations and to investigate the security service’s behavior against Darfuri civilians in the capital Khartoum, who had used campaigns of maltreatment, harassment, and discrimination. Duma was captured on the May 20^th of that year. His relatives campaigned, called for a lawyer, and contacted the authorities in Sudan asking that he be released or brought to fair trial in accordance with the provisions of the law and the Constitution. After consulting with lawyers, it was confirmed that these actions of the government revealed some information about his detention facilities and his critical health condition as a result of undergoing physical and psychological torture. His brother Adam came from El Fasher for the trial and was only allowed to meet with him after several repeated requests and waiting for permission from Khartoum for more than six months. The situation has now been exacerbated by Duma’s deteriorating health – as a result of physical and psychological torture, including being beaten and kicked in the back, he is suffering from spinal injuries.  Duma is in urgent need of medical care but has been deprived of his right to receive treatment.

Six IDPs from the camps in Abu Shouk and Elsalam in El Fasher have remained in jail for nearly a year. Among them is a woman named Zahara, who is the female head of her household.  As part of the government plan to empty the IDP camps, the governor of North Darfur employed different mechanisms to force the IDPs out of their camps including continuous harassment, arbitrary arrest, and shooting by the Janjaweed. In August of 2009, an Omda, a camp leader, by the name of Omer was killed by the government-allied Janjaweed but the government has used his death as an excuse to threaten and frighten the IDPs into leaving their camps.  In the same week and in connection to that incident, about 16 camp leaders were arrested by the Sudanese government security forces in El Fasher.  They were all beaten, tortured, and starved in an attempt to coerce them into confessing that they were responsible for killing Omer.  They insisted that they didn’t kill him and had no knowledge about the incident. They are all helpless people who lost everything including their family members and are completely depending on aid assistance to survive. Everybody in El Fasher believed that they were innocent and many people from the camps and cities appealed to the government of north Darfur for their release but were refused. Later on in 2009, ten of the camp leaders were released but six still remain in jail. Among them was Zahara, who was forced to leave her children crying after her for days and nights with nobody to look after them in the absence of their mother. The accused IDPs are constantly tortured and starved. They are only given one meal a day and no one from their families has been allowed to visit them. Most of them have been sick with skin diseases because of lack of sanitation and the unhealthy environment of the prison cells. They asked to be allowed to go to the hospital but their request was rejected by the government detention administration. They are continuing to suffer psychological and physical illness without access to medical care and with no prospect for their release. They have performed two hunger strikes with the most recent one beginning on June 2, 2010 and lasting until today. Their lawyer spoke to Radio Dabanga in the Netherlands, and stated that he has searched with the authorities and has not found any legal ground or criminal evidence for their arrest. He appealed to the North Darfur Authority for their release but there has been no mercy or response to his clients’ case to date. Today, they told their lawyer to appeal to the world community who may find a way to help them out of their miserable conditions as well as the psychological and physical torture they are going through.

The quotes below are from other victims of torture:

“When the sunset prayer call (Azzan) echoed in the interrogation chamber, the torturers left me half-conscious on the floor and went to wash their hands of my blood before they prayed. I heard them making jokes about cleaning their hands of the ‘impure blood of this Kaffir’. They always came back to of the ‘impure blood of this Kaffir’. They always came back to finish their /sacred work’ on me”

Mohamed Elgadi

“Through the cracks in the old wooden door of the cell, we saw them dragging him toward the southern wall of the yard. He was blind-folded. We know what was going to happen next. It was another ‘Reception Party’. They started beating him with bamboo sticks, PVC water pipes, and leather whips. When he fell down they started kicking him with their heavy military boots. His loud scream of pains was covered with their monstrous cries of ‘Allahu Akbar,’ ‘hit the atheist,’ ‘kill the Kaffir,’ ‘whip the Satan,’ ‘kick the communist.’ The ‘Party’ lasted for an hour until he became unconscious and then they dragged him to stand and suspended his arms on a tree branch. The picture was very sad and horrible when I saw it through the door: blood mixed with sweat and muddy soil all over his body.”
–Citibank Ghost House Survivor

The referendum is approaching for South Sudan but Darfur is still experiencing scenes of violence. As described above, people from different parts of society in Darfur are experiencing inequality and hostility from the government. Victims of torture do not simply have physical scars but the experience leaves psychological wounds that sometimes can never be cured. The Save Darfur Coalition asks you to commemorate International Day for Victims of Torture and not ignore what these victims have experienced. We must call on world leaders to take serious measures to stop the campaign of torture and other forms of injustice against innocent civilians.

In his blog, he states that the United States, Britain, and other countries are shaping their actions around avoiding war in South Sudan, which could slide back into conflict if the referendum on secession, scheduled for January 2011, goes awry.  As the previous civil war between the north and the south lasted two decades and led to some 2 million deaths, preventing renewed violence is certainly crucial. However, while it is necessary to focus attention on the referendum to ensure violence between the north and south does not break out, Darfur cannot be put aside. Kristof specifically illustrates this challenge, explaining that “the problem is that Darfur and southern Sudan are related problems, and ignoring Darfur doesn’t diminish the risks in southern Sudan. On the contrary, it increases them.”

Kristof characterizes the Obama administration’s handling of the situation as appeasing the Sudanese government, which he argues is not the same as constructively engaging it. He concludes with the analysis that this strategy will not help and, on the contrary, could be profoundly dangerous for Sudan.

The Save Darfur Coalition invites you to read his full blog piece.

The joint UN-African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur recently reported that “the security situation in Darfur is tense following reports of fighting between Sudanese armed forces and the Justice and Equality Movement”.  Clashes in Darfur have cost almost 600 lives in May 2010, 440 of which were lost in fighting last month between Darfur rebels and government forces, 126 in tribal violence, and 31 in other violence, including murder. This increase in violence comes after the collapse of peace talks between the Government of Sudan and the Justice and Equality Movement. In the past several days, violence between Arab tribes in Darfur has killed 41 people. The spokesperson for the joint UN-African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur stated that in the last couple of months there have been lower numbers of fatalities in Darfur, but in May, there have been an increasing number of clashes. Despite the surge in violent deaths in Darfur, the international community and Sudanese government is planting much of its focus in the upcoming referendum and the rebellions in South Sudan.

The increasing number of clashes is partially due to lack of progress in peace talks between the JEM and the government of Sudan. President Omar Hassan al-Bashir announced on Saturday that the current round of Darfur peace talks would be the final negotiations with any armed group. He claims after this round there will be no legitimacy through guns, only through the ballot box. Amongst others, rebel divisions and fighting have been two of the biggest obstacles to peace talks which started in 2003 and have continued in Chad, Nigeria, Libya and currently in Doha. Since April, Bashir’s security forces have cracked down on what little political freedom opened up during the electoral process, arresting opposition leaders, and cracking down on press and civil society liberties.

While the upcoming southern referendum and the rebellions in South Sudan are understandable distractions for the international community, Darfur continues to face a humanitarian crisis. Darfur’s humanitarian operation is the largest in the world with more than 4 million people requiring aid and costing nearly $1 billion a year, but the fighting and kidnapping of humanitarian workers and UNAMID personnel has forced some agencies to scale down operations and withdraw from certain regions. While it is important for the United States and international community to prepare for the upcoming referendum, this must not overshadow addressing the humanitarian crisis and violence that continue in Darfur.

I became interested in the situation in Darfur several years ago. I am a nurse, and was working at a school where Mia Farrow’s son was a student. I had the opportunity to meet Mia a few times and become aware of her outstanding devotion to the women and children who suffer such horrible atrocities. I called Mia, and after a brief conversation I knew that I could no longer just stand by, but had to become active in the Save Darfur Coalition’s advocacy work.

I have tried as much as possible to raise awareness of this cause among family and friends. I contribute a small amount every month and have attended rallies to bring more attention to the situation in Darfur.  My dream of joining a medical team and traveling to the refugee camps to help even more people would be hard to achieve. Nevertheless, my intention is to continue my devotion to the women and children of Darfur no matter what it takes. I am an adoptive parent and have had the opportunity to see up close and personal the tremendous need world-wide to help children. After my experience I am left to ask you – how can we not?

On a beautiful spring day, hundreds of people passing through Union Square stopped at rally headquarters under the statue of George Washington, signing postcards to President Obama and making phone calls to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton through the Genocide Intervention hotline, calling on both to lead the international community in denouncing flaws in the elections and in ensuring that the election does not legitimize President Omar al-Bashir.

Individuals who made a call on the GI-Net hotline received a cookie from UBUNTU: Students for a World Without Genocide. A 6′-long letter also was addressed to Hillary Clinton, and signed by bystanders. Volunteers distributed fliers containing actions that anyone can take for Sudan and Darfur:  they spoke with onlookers, explaining how international support for free and fair elections is critical to reducing conflict throughout Sudan and to encouraging an environment of civil and political freedoms imperative to a legitimate 2011 referendum on the future of South Sudan.

This event formed one part of the Sudan365 global campaign, which highlights the need for urgent international attention to Sudan to ensure that international engagement is not “business as usual” during this critical year leading up to the end of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement’s (CPA) interim period, and the 2011 referendum for self-determination for South Sudan.  Events were held in as about 20 countries, including Holland, Mali, Serbia, Senegal, Northern Ireland, Sierra Leone, Israel, South Africa, Togo, the UK, Bahrain, Mauritania, the US, Norway, Burkina Faso, Italy, and Yemen. Coverage of these events can be seen on the Sudan 365 website.

The event in New York was coordinated by the New York City Coalition for Darfur , the Brooklyn Coalition for Darfur, UBUNTU: Students for a World Without Genocide, the Darfur People’s Association of New York , the International Refugee Rights Initiative,  and the African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies. Drumming was led by Gary Fritz and Friends and the Brooklyn Drum Circle Meet-up; and a local dance class performed in front of the drummers. Speakers at the event included Sharon Silber of the New York City Coalition to Save Darfur, Olivia Bueno of the International Refugee Rights Initiative,  Neiki Ullah of UBUNTU: Students for a World Without Genocide, and four Darfuri members of the Darfur People’s Association of New York.

Emily Cody of the African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies read a statement on behalf of Director Osman Hummaida, calling for elections to be postponed and detailing several electoral violations, including targeting of opposition groups and civil society through restrictions on the freedom of expression and speech.  A leader of the Darfur People’s Association of New York spoke of the unfair nature of the elections, including political marginalization and access to voting in Darfur and the ongoing dire situation of lack of humanitarian access and violence. He reported incidents where food had been withheld to communities in order to influence voting.  All of the speakers commented on the precarious stakes for elections and the end of the interim period, as has been exemplified through the tenuous environment for political opposition members and their supporters, recent attacks on the Jebel Marra region of Darfur, and ongoing insecurity in South Sudan.

The event was spearheaded by the New York Coalition for Darfur a member of the Save Darfur Coalition , and DarfurMetro , which is an umbrella group of advocacy organizations focused on Sudan and Darfur throughout New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut. The NYC Coalition for Darfur always welcomes new members, and encourages any interested people to attend their monthly meeting. The next meeting of the NYC Coalition for Darfur is Wednesday, May 5, 2010 at 8pm at the Church of St Paul & St Andrew on West 86 Street. Many thanks to all the wonderful New York metro activists who came out and made this day a great success!
Photos from the April 10, 2010 event can be seen at the Sudan365 Flickr site here.

Blogpost authored by Sharon Silber, Laura Limuli, and Eileen Weiss of the New York City Coalition for Darfur

Nairobi, 14 April (ENI)–The general secretary of the Sudan Council of Churches – an Orthodox, Protestant and Roman Catholic grouping – has said that current national elections in Africa’s biggest country do not qualify as free and fair.

The Rev. Ramadan Chan Liol, said, however, that the elections should continue since they are a key step in the implementation of the country’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The 2005 accord was signed in Nairobi between the government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army, ending 21 years of civil war, fought mainly in the south.

The poll, which started on 11 April, has been labelled as the first multi-party elections in Sudan since 1986. In the Islamic-majority north, however, only small opposition parties are running against President Omar al-Bashir and his party.

“The view of the Church is that the whole exercise is one that cannot be described as free and fair,” Chan, a Baptist, told Ecumenical News International in a telephone interview from Khartoum on 14 April.
“There are too many challenges. Peoples’ names are missing from the registers. They are scattered in different rolls in different towns.”

He spoke as the elections entered their fourth day. The polling began facing complaints of delays, confusion over names and symbols, as well as the withdrawal of some candidates. Voting ends on 15 April after a two-day extension by the National Election Commission.

Churches had mobilised people to vote in the presidential, legislative and local elections, according to Chan, but some voters said they were frustrated by boycotts and withdrawals.

The SPLM withdrew its presidential candidate Yasir Arman from the poll, while the Umma Party and Popular Congress Party from the north also said they are boycotting the election.

“The boycott has brought down the morale among the people. They are no longer excited about the elections,” said Chan.

Chan was asked if the situation may be repeated in a scheduled 2011 referendum to determine whether the south will remain united with the rest of the country or it will become independent. He said, “That will be a different scenario from the elections where people will chose yes or no.”

As he cast his vote on 12 April, Catholic Archbishop Paolino Lukudu Loro of Juba told journalists, “This preparation for the people of southern Sudan for the referendum next year.” BBC television later quoted as the archbishop as saying in Juba. “If the people chose to secede… they must go.”

Many church leaders in southern Sudan support the independence of the region saying it can help the mineral-rich region where Christianity and African traditional religions predominate.

SDFG’s full release:

Observer Missions Must stop Lending their Credibility to Sudan Elections

April 6, 2010, (Khartoum/Juba)

International elections observer missions should immediately pull out of Sudan. These groups appear to no longer be able to fulfill their mandate and serve only to legitimize a deeply-flawed elections process.

International observer missions have so far been subject to severe government intimidation. The Sudanese government harshly criticized the Carter Center after publication of its report on March 17th which detailed significant violations in the elections process throughout all stages including fraud and repression of speech and other freedoms. The report also described the uneven playing field for political parties and unequal access to media suggesting technical advises to enable National Election Commission (NEC) to handle the electoral process.  Since then the Sudanese government has on multiple occasions threatened all international observer groups more broadly.  On March 22^nd President Omar al Bashir publicly threatened to cut off the noses and fingers of internationals who “intervene in internal affairs” and endorsed any delay of elections. He repeated this threat on April 5 in Jazeera State. Threats to international actors who intervene to oppose any postponement of the poll—such as for example, the United States Special Envoy— are conspicuously absent.

Rather than publicly disclose the extent of the program of harassment and intimidation which has accompanied these public threats of violence by the President and his aides, international observer missions have been cowed into silence or inside doors in bilateral discussion with the same NCP. They have not spoken out about the harassment and intimidation they are suffering—including the arrest and interrogation of their local staff and unlawful search of private homes—, expelling out one of their international staff and other obstacles to their operations such as denial of visas and bureaucratic obstacles to deployment. Some reports even suggest that the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC), which spearheaded the expulsion of humanitarian organizations last year is ready to step in this campaign of harassment against both national and international NGOs involved in elections observation activities.

The threats and harassment suffered by international observer missions have undermined their ability to honestly report on the continued violations—in effect to carry out their basic missions. The Carter Center and the European Mission, for example, have already made it clear in different conversations that they will not release any statements until after the elections are over.  Ironically, a senior NCP officer told journalists that they will not hear from election observers before the results of the elections. Furthermore, Khartoum press quoted the Deputy NEC Chairperson that they agreed with Carter Center not to issue such reports that harm the electoral process. Absent capacity to acknowledge the current environment of threats and intimidation being faced by those who voice concerns about election process violations, the continued presence of international elections observers in Sudan does not serve the function intended, that of observing and analyzing the electoral process and contributing to improvements through constructive engagement with the authorities. This inability also renders naught the public guardianship role which is envisaged for international and domestic observers in how their mandate is described in the National Electoral Act. Further, the President’s violent threats to those international observers who express reservations about the process de facto violate the memoranda of understanding and other bilateral accords which are the basis upon which international missions have been permitted to access the territory and, in return, to exercise the mandate given to them by their relevant inter-governmental or non-governmental controlling organs.

This silent acquiescence by international observer missions in the face of increasing repression also undermines the attempts of local domestic observers to monitor the process. Today, for example, a number of local organisations, all of which have been internationally recognized as independent civil society experts, were summarily informed they would not be permitted to participate as election monitors by the NEC. The NEC refused to provide either a copy of this determination in writing or reasons for the decision. The silence is contributing to the climate of fear and insecurity which is unfolding around the elections, adding to both the apprehension and probability of violence and greater repression.

To date, there are a large number of observer missions in Sudan: The Carter Center, European Union, African Union, IGAD countries, Arab League, Great Lakes group and individual country missions such as Egypt and Japan. Except for The Carter Center, all of these missions arrived only recently, and were not on the ground to witness the majority of the rigging and fraud and other violations that have been documented by The Carter Center and other international groups including the International Crisis Group, Human Rights Watch and Save Darfur.  The utility of these short term observers is highly dubious in the context of an election process which has been determined by many of the main opposition parties to be so fundamentally flawed that they have withdrawn their candidates or are urgently seeking a postponement of the vote.  Indeed, many Sudanese are questioning the role of some regional groups as being solely supporting the perpetuation of status quo.

In this environment, the presence of international observers appears to serve only one interest — the political interest of the ruling National Congress Party. By remaining as a part of the process, these missions lend the appearance of legitimacy to what has been proven to be a deeply flawed elections process and the presumed re-election of a man who is internationally wanted for war crimes in a vote that is neither free nor fair. As tense political dynamics unfold and possibly turn violent in coming weeks, loud and forceful comment is needed. Unless there is a change in the will and capacity of international observer missions the record shows that their fearful silence will in effect render them complicit in what unfolds.  If they cannot challenge threats to the integrity and safety of their own missions and personnel what kind of defense of the rights to democratic participation of the people of Sudan can be expected? International election observer missions must stop lending their credibility to this process.

Sudan  Democracy First Group  is:

A coalition of democrats and Sudan activists, trade unionists and academics men and women representing Sudan different cultural and ethnic backgrounds.  The main agenda of the initiative   is to voice the concerns of the voiceless Sudanese people across the country in the current critical moment the country is going through. The initiative is connected to other initiatives formed by Sudanese people in different centers across Sudan.

For contact: mubadra4democracy@gmail.com