Posts Tagged African Union

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Darfur Needs Leaders, Not Rulers

Wednesday, May 12th, 2010

Former South African President and AUPD Chairman Thabo Mbeki (Getty Images)

When former South African president Thabo Mbeki was appointed to lead the African Union’s High Level Implementation Panel on Darfur (AUPD), many Western governments and rights groups feared his work would undermine efforts to secure a peace agreement that could deliver justice to the people of Darfur and help Sudan on its way toward national reconciliation.

Instead, far from letting Sudan’s government and its indicted leader Omar al-Bashir off the hook for atrocities committed in the country’s war-torn region, the panel’s highly anticipated report—made public last fall—challenged the Sudanese government to take responsibility for war crimes prosecutions, and included a nuanced appeal to address the ongoing political and economic marginalisation of Darfur, cited as the conflict’s key causative factors.

Neither justice nor peace, it makes clear, can be realized without the Sudanese government’s full participation in promoting accountability for atrocities committed in Darfur and in reforming the country’s hitherto centrifugal and divisive political system, including the inequitable distribution of power and wealth in Sudan.

Mbeki in Darfur (SSRC: Making Sense of Sudan)

Mbeki’s report stated clearly that a peace agreement followed by Darfur’s full participation in free and fair national elections should be part of this solution.

But Sudan’s historic nationwide polls have closed. Bashir has declared overwhelming victory as a new chapter in the country’s troubled narrative begins—one that will ultimately determine the nation’s continued existence. Amidst the declarations of triumph and denunciations of a stolen vote, it seems the election process has done little to address the root causes of Darfur’s troubles.

Just the opposite, in fact.

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UNAMID Under Fire – Peacekeepers Killed in Darfur

Tuesday, May 11th, 2010

UNAMID Soldiers Mourn the Death of Fellow Peacekeepers (REUTERS/Stuart Price/2008)

The last six months have been both difficult and deadly for UNAMID. On Friday, the targeted slaying of two peacekeepers served as a troubling reminder of that fact.

Although the operation has made significant progress toward full deployment, and it has finally received six of its desperately needed tactical helicopters, the mission’s peacekeepers remain under direct threat from Darfur’s rampant lawlessness and insecurity. Numerous incidents consistently underscore the reality that greater troop numbers, more materiel, and sporadic donations of force multipliers are not the only elements necessary for a robust and effective operation capable of implementing its mandate to protect civilians and humanitarian aid efforts.

As we wrote late last year, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur has been called many things, from being described as a pawn or a proxy to being dismissed as incompetent or irrelevant. But the truth is almost ignored: these peacekeepers are quite literally the only force standing between a vulnerable, victimized population and criminally rampant insecurity. In December, five Rwandans gave up their lives as part of that important effort. Last week, two Egyptian soldiers were killed as they served to bring peace to Darfur. Three others were seriously wounded.

The peacekeepers were travelling near Katila on Friday when they were ambushed by unidentified gunmen not far from Edd al-Fursan in South Darfur. The assailants launched their attack without warning, indiscriminately shooting at the Egyptian convoy. They fled after the contingent returned fire.

AU and UN officials have expressed outrage at Friday’s attack, from describing it as “cowardly” to denouncing it as a “war crime.” In a statement, UNAMID confirmed its “undaunted and unwavering” commitment to its mission, while calling on the Government of Sudan (GoS) to identify the perpetrators and bring them to justice.

This incident comes not long after the results were announced in Sudan’s historic nationwide elections. Last month, shortly after the polls opened, four South African peacekeepers were kidnapped in an apparent attempt by their abductors—newly formed militia —to demonstrate that the necessary security conditions for elections to take place in Darfur did not exist. Just before the voting took place, the European Union withdrew its observer team over staff safety concerns.

But banditry and kidnapping are not the only threats facing both the local population and the force tasked with its protection. Fighting between the GoS and rebel group Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has been confirmed in Jebel Moon, near the Chadian border, amid a faltering ceasefire between the two sides. In the central region of Jebel Marra, regular clashes between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan Liberation Army – Abdel Wahid faction (SLA-AW) have killed an estimated 400 civilians and displaced tens of thousands more. Obstructionism by all parties involved – notably the Government of Sudan and the SLA-AW – has left the local population without access to military protection or humanitarian assistance. In March, a UNAMID convoy was attempting to verify the clashes and the civilian toll when its 60 peacekeepers were ambushed, detained overnight, and robbed of their vehicles and equipment. The Government of Sudan chastised the mission for failing to heed its advice by attempting to undertake their investigation.

In response to Friday’s attacks, the GoS appears to have acted quickly. Wire services are reporting that Sudanese police have arrested two suspected perpetrators and are looking for five others also believed to have taken part in the assault. It remains to be seen whether these men will be held to account in a transparent manner consistent with the rule of law.

If Sudan is committed – as it claims – to ensuring UNAMID’s success and protecting its citizens from criminal violence, these suspects should be interrogated and tried with full UN and AU involvement. When the Rwandan peacekeepers were killed last December, Khartoum announced the arrest of the six men responsible, but little information has been publicly available about the process by which they have been tried for these crimes. This is, after all, a government that – through embracing impunity – has historically not simply failed to deter, but has effectively provided incentives to opportunistic criminals and looters to rob well intentioned peacekeepers of their equipment and, more importantly, their lives.

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Election Roundup — April 14, 2010

Wednesday, April 14th, 2010

Numerous reports continue to come from Sudan on the fourth of five days of voting. Nearing the end, many Sudanese are beginning to focus on the next stages of the process. The National Elections Commission (NEC) announced yesterday evening that counting would begin on Friday and that it expected to be able to announce results on Tuesday, April 20. The NEC also gave initial estimates of voter turnout, although these have been questioned on the basis of anecdotal accounts from observers and journalists.

The general secretary of the Sudan Council of Churches – an Orthodox, Protestant and Roman Catholic grouping – has said that current national elections do not qualify as free and fair. Former South African president Thabo Mbeki, chair of the African Union High Level Panel on Darfur, said from Juba that the first days of the elections have been marred by technical problems. Meanwhile, predicting an overwhelming ‘victory,’ Omar Al Bashir’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP) stated that it would invite opposition parties into a unity government.

Sudanese Voices

Analysis/Opinion

Pictures, Summaries and Facts about Elections

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Gunships Can’t Save Darfur Alone

Wednesday, March 3rd, 2010

UNAMID Mi-35P

Newly deployed M-35P in Nyala. Photo: UNAMID/Albert Gonzalez Farran

It’s been a painfully long time coming, but last week, five Mil Mi-35P gunships settled in to their new home in Nyala, South Darfur. The Ethiopian helicopters – whitewashed for peacekeeping service – will in theory greatly enhance UNAMID’s aerial capacity. They represent a key force multiplier, essential in developing the mission’s rapid reaction capability, including emergency response and tactical intervention.

But after celebrating their long overdue arrival, the first thing on Force Commander Nyamvumba’s agenda was to ask for more. He has made it very clear that this is only one step in a series of many that UN and AU member states must take to provide his peacekeepers with the very best odds possible as they confront endless challenges in Darfur, an advantage they have not thus far enjoyed.

This means giving them the mobility and muscle needed to successfully confront hostile operating conditions, the adversities of which have been compounded by continued obstruction by both the government and rebel groups, as well as by violent attacks directly targeting the mission and its assets.

Amid reports of civilian deaths and mass displacement, recent events illustrate the complex reality of a place far from peace. The use of indiscriminate aerial bombardment by the Sudan Armed Forces against rebel positions in Jebel Moun and Jebel Mara has a disproportionately devastating effect on local populations. Rebel movements have likewise hurt Darfuri civilians by restricting both UNAMID investigations and humanitarian access. In at least one battle – which resulted in more than a dozen deaths, 31,000 displaced civilians, and serious human rights abuses, including sexual violence – highly placed military sources told me that “helicopters and aerial reconnaissance units would have helped…prevent the incident.”

In fact, over the last three months, fatal incidents have repeatedly highlighted the essential role of helicopters in life-saving medical evacuation, rapid investigations and assessment following clashes, tactical intervention and quick reaction capacity, aerial reconnaissance and monitoring, as well as troop and equipment deployment. The Mi-35P is only capable of fulfilling a small number of these tasks.

The Mi-35Ps – with their powerful 30-mm twin-barrel automatic cannons – bring exciting new strength to an operation consistently criticized for being weak and ineffective, but they are in reality only a few items on a long list of aircraft that UNAMID desperately needs to implement its protection mandate. The gunships, while important, have limited impact on the mission’s ability to negotiate Darfur’s harsh terrain, rampant banditry, and prohibitive lack of infrastructure necessary for the efficient movement of troops and equipment to the region’s hotspots. For that, UNAMID requires many more utility and transport helicopters.

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Jerry Fowler Discusses The AU Panel Report On Darfur With VOA

Tuesday, December 22nd, 2009

Earlier today, Save Darfur Coalition President Jerry Fowler appeared on Voice of America’s In Focus program to discuss the African Union panel report on Darfur. Check it out:

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UNAMID Under Attack

Thursday, December 10th, 2009


The UN-AU hybrid operation in Darfur has been called many things, from being described as a pawn or a proxy to being dismissed as incompetent or irrelevant. But the truth is almost always ignored: these peacekeepers are quite literally the only force standing between a vulnerable, victimized population and criminally rampant insecurity. Each and every soldier risks his or her own safety to be there, in the line of fire, protecting Darfuri civilians. On December 4th and 5th, five Rwandans gave up their lives as part of that important effort. What’s more, all reports indicate that rather than resort to reckless, desperate measures to save only themselves when under attack, the soldiers returned fire with due restraint, thereby ensuring the security of nearby civilians, and fighting for their protection until the very end.

Someone has to be held to account for these attacks. Sudanese authorities, responding to Rwandan accusations, have denied involvement and suggested these deaths were inflicted by subversive attempts to sabotage the peace and stability that Darfur “enjoys”. North Darfur Governor Osman Mohamed Yousef Kibir has dismissed the incident as ‘isolated’ and deflected blame to common criminals. He says it was banditry, claiming the peacekeepers were killed by looters for a vehicle.

Make no mistake; these peacekeepers – and the 17 others who have been killed in action since the beginning of 2008 – did not loose their lives simply because of a vehicle. They were not defeated by petty thieves. It is becoming increasingly obvious that the Government of Sudan and its auxiliary forces have created an environment that works against UNAMID and places its troops in daily danger – as evidenced by the three attacks this week, including two lethal ones in as many days.

Regardless of whether one buys into rumors that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and their allies SLA/MM are trying to scare UNAMID away, or that Darfuri rebel groups are trying to prove they have yet to be defeated, one cannot ignore the reality that the absence of compliance by the Government of Sudan does not mean it can escape some responsibility for the events.

Consider two points. First, according to the United Nations, “no UNAMID movement is permitted without approval by the Government of the Sudan.” Therefore, in the case of both deadly attacks, the SAF or other Government authorities would have been aware of UNAMID’s activities. Additionally, one location, Saraf Omra, is a government “stronghold” where, according to the Rwandan Armed Forces spokesperson, there was no known rebel activity. UNAMID’s Rwandan platoon was escorting a water tanker a mere 300 metres from Sudan government forces when they were ambushed.

At best, this makes the Sudanese Government – which maintains primary responsibility for security in the region – negligent and incompetent; more realistically, it means UNAMID’s troops are the latest victims of the ongoing violence in Darfur that is either sanctioned, facilitated, or directly perpetrated by Khartoum.

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UNAMID in the Dark

Tuesday, December 1st, 2009

Three months ago, the outgoing force commander of UNAMID said there is no war in Darfur. To be fair, that controversial declaration of General Martin Luther Agwai was accompanied by a host of caveats and claims that were largely ignored by the reactive outcry that followed.  After a few weeks, people calmed down and now Agwai’s best known accomplishment is in managing to stir up a semantics debate and pat himself on the back, all while trivializing the rampant insecurity that continues to afflict the region.

But yesterday, in response to a UN report that portrays Darfur as a still troubled place, Sudan’s Ambassador Abdalmahmoud Abdalhaleem echoed the former UNAMID commander’s remarks. Criticizing the report for leaving out the essential detail “that the war is over”, he recommended the UN start planning for its departure.

Before UNAMID begins packing up its things—many of which, ironically, have yet to arrive—perhaps it’s time to look again. Abdalhaleem suggests that by omitting the claim that war is over in Darfur, UN officials are using the report to preserve the relevance its mission no longer has. However, what the report actually reveals is that representatives of the beleaguered force were never in a position to make that claim to begin with…..for one very disturbing reason: access to any sustaining evidence has been consistently denied.

Agwai’s initial declaration was based on the absence of large-scale military activities, the weakness of rebel movements, and his own perception that the only immediate threat is banditry. Around the same time, outgoing Joint Special Representative Rodolphe Adada proclaimed his own accomplishments resulted in the end of civilian massacres in Darfur.

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A Shell Game with Bashir?

Tuesday, October 27th, 2009

Are African countries that are state parties to the Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court playing a shell game with Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir?  Since the issuance of his arrest warrant by the ICC in March 2009, Bashir has repeatedly received invitations from African leaders to attend summits and conferences that eventually result in the dispatching of non-fugitives of international justice to serve in Bashir’s stead.  Were these recent invitations from countries like Uganda and Nigeria in good faith?  Or have there been pre-arranged deals cut that a public invitation would be extended with the understanding that Bashir would not accept them?

Last week provides the most recent example of a possibly well-choreographed diplomatic dance.  On Thursday, Amnesty International broke the news that the African Union had invited Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir to participate in the AU Peace and Security Council meetings on Darfur in Abuja, Nigeria.  They urged the AU to rescind the invitation and, if Bashir made the visit, the Nigerian government “to arrest President Omar al Bashir and hand him over to the ICC.”  After a day of headlines and ambivalent statements from Nigerian and AU officials about their commitments to fulfill obligations under international law, the Sudanese government announced on Friday that Second Vice President Ali Osman Taha would lead Sudan’s delegation to the AU meetings.

But it’s not just international or Western human rights groups that are offended by the invitations issued by African capitals.  Last week, an uproar on the matter occurred for the second time this year in Uganda before Bashir turned down an invitation to attend the Special Summit of Heads of State and Government on Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons in Africa.  The Sudanese government eventually sent only two junior officials in a pattern of events that closely mirrored another Ugandan invitation in July.  At that time, a senior Ugandan foreign affairs official told Reuters:

“The invitation still stands … (but) we will handle it through diplomatic channels to avoid embarrassment and inconvenience to anybody…It’s a codeword for an agreement that President Bashir delegates another senior cabinet-ranked person. That was agreed.”

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