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Peacekeeping Archive

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The Beja of Eastern Sudan

Thursday, July 22nd, 2010

With six months before the referendum, the international community is often reminded to keep Darfur a priority. However, nearly no attention has been given to the situation in eastern Sudan since the Eritrean-mediated peace agreement of 2006.

The Beja, the largest ethnic group in eastern Sudan, have long been marginalized by the government in Khartoum. In the mid-1990s, the Beja Congress rebelled against the Bashir regime in order to attract attention to the plight of the Beja people and to gain a larger representation in the government. According to Reuters, the 2006 accord that ended the fighting awarded the East “one junior minister in Khartoum, an assistant to the president, an adviser to the president, eight parliamentary seats in Khartoum and 10 parliamentary seats in each of the three eastern states. A $600 million development fund was also established under the deal, to be paid over four years.”

While the peace agreement has in some ways helped, the situation in eastern Sudan remains dire. The region is one of the poorest in Sudan and is still victim to economic and cultural repression from Khartoum. Given the situation and the long-running neglect of issues in eastern Sudan, we wanted to share the following petition recently sent by the Beja Congress and Friends of the Beja to the Obama Administration:

A Petition by the Beja Congress and Friends of the Beja To End the Government of Sudan’s Human Rights Violations Against the Beja of Eastern Sudan:

We, the undersigned, urge the United States Congress, empowered by the American People in this democracy, to advise President Obama and his Administration through the Offices of Vice President Joseph Biden, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and Sudan Special Envoy Major General R. Scott Gration to:

1.     Acknowledge the indigenous Beja people of Eastern Sudan with a Congressional Resolution and/or other legislative means as a marginalized people group, oppressed and persecuted by the National Congress Party (NCP) Government of Sudan and provide urgent humanitarian assistance to the Beja people in the current crisis caused by their marginalization of the NCP. (more…)

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Renewing the Pledge – joint paper released

Wednesday, July 14th, 2010

In a joint paper released today titled Renewing the Pledge: Re-engaging the Guarantors to the Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 25 signing organizations including the Save Darfur Coalition call for more intensive political involvement by the international community in the final six months leading up to the referendum on southern secession, scheduled for January 9, 2011.  The paper emphasizes the need for a holistic approach to the multiple political concerns in Sudan and outlines concrete steps that CPA guarantors can take to help ensure adequate preparations for a peaceful and credible referendum.

The executive summary is below; read the full paper here.

The clock is ticking fast towards what might be the most important date in modern Sudanese history – two referenda in Sudan that are likely to result in the breakup of Africa’s largest state. With six months remaining until 9 January 2011, the scheduled date of the referenda, the run-up to, and outcome of, the vote must be managed with extreme care. The Guarantors to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA ), who invested considerable effort in obtaining the CPA on 9 January 2005, have both a responsibility and an ability to help Sudan implement the CPA and prevent further conflict. It is imperative that the Guarantors urgently redouble their efforts to ensure adequate preparations for the referenda, and help secure agreements on sensitive issues such as border demarcation and oil sharing.

The experiences of recent years have demonstrated that focusing on one part of Sudan at the expense of another complicates the situation in both. Focusing too narrowly on the challenges of securing a peaceful post-CPA transition in Southern Sudan could backfire. The CPA Guarantors must not relegate the situation in Northern Sudan – especially the conflict in Darfur, where violence in May 2010 claimed the highest number of lives since 2008 – to the second tier of priorities.

As the Guarantors step up their political involvement, we hope to see generous donor support. More needs to be done now to bring in the requisite diplomatic, financial, and technical resources to put in place the requirements for the referenda and, after the vote, to improve Sudan’s stability and dire state of human development.

1. Use the upcoming Consultative Forum meeting in Khartoum on 17 July 2010 to agree to an urgent expansion of international efforts to prepare for peaceful, credible and timely referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei.

2. Restate publicly, clearly and collectively the internationally recognized right of the people of Southern Sudan to self-determination. At the July 2010 AU Summit in Uganda, African Heads of State should reaffirm their unequivocal support for this right and pledge to recognize the outcomes of two free and fair referenda. The League of Arab States and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) should follow suit, and be encouraged to do so by the Troika (US, UK and Norway) and the UN Secretary-General.

3. Appoint a high-level individual to travel to Abyei, Blue Nile, and Southern Kordofan consistently over the next six months to ensure adequate preparations for the referendum in Abyei and the popular consultations in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan.

4. Call on the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) to build up its civilian capacity in Abyei and facilitate inter-communal dialogue on the future of the area and call on the UN Development Program (UNDP) to consider extending its Southern Kordofan conflict prevention program to Abyei.

5. Persuade the National Congress Party of Sudan (NCP ) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM ), the two parties to the CPA , to make public commitments that the rights to freedom of movement, residence and property currently afforded to all Sudanese citizens will be preserved regardless of the outcome of the referenda.

6. Provide technical assistance to the CPA parties to reach an equitable agreement on oil sharing, to be backed up by independent third party monitoring.

7. Encourage UNMIS to carry out a careful assessment of its civilian protection capabilities, including identification of the weakest links, leading to preventive UNMIS deployments in flashpoint areas to deter future violence.

8. State clearly and publicly that international human rights standards must be respected in Northern as well as in Southern Sudan, and that the Guarantors will uphold their commitment to the goals of democratic transformation in Sudan.

9. Call on the African Union/UN Hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAM ID) to focus on its primary objective of protecting civilians and to increase and make public its human rights reporting.

10. Call on donors to Sudan to revisit the present plan to hold a large donor conference only after the announcement of the referenda results and consider additional closed-door resource mobilization meetings to ensure adequate resources are available in time. Guarantors should encourage investment in renewed South-South dialogue, conflict prevention and strengthening local peace-building capacities.

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Save Darfur Condemns Deadly Attack on UNAMID

Tuesday, June 22nd, 2010

On Monday morning, a group of unidentified assailants opened fire on members of the Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) serving in the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). The fighting lasted over an hour, killing three Rwandans and leaving one in critical condition. With Monday’s attack, 27 UNAMID peacekeepers have died since the force was deployed in 2008.

Yesterday the Save Darfur Coalition issued a statement condemning this direct attack on peacekeepers – a war crime under international law. The release called on the United States and the UN Security Council (UNSC) to ensure a transparent investigation of the attack and to hold perpetrators of this and all attacks on civilians, aid workers and peacekeepers accountable. The coalition urged the Obama administration to exercise strong leadership through the UNSC “to step up political and material support for UNAMID” and to “encourage all parties to negotiate a peaceful settlement – the lack of which will only prolong violence and insecurity in Darfur.”

(more…)

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International Day of Peacekeeping

Saturday, May 29th, 2010

Photo by 	Daniel KošinárToday, May 29, is International Day of Peacekeeping. Since 2003, proponents of peace throughout the world have marked this day as one to remember the sacrifices made by so many throughout the years in hidden and forgotten areas of the world; areas where cameras don’t often go, with names oft mispronounced, but where violence and human rights abuses rage at horrific rates.

UN peacekeepers have a mission of stabilization. Often deployed to countries to protect people they do not know, they serve with distinction, bravery, and a lasting endurance that saves and protects lives.

In the words of Ambassador Susan Rice:

UN peacekeepers have saved countless lives and delivered tangible results. Many countries are today more peaceful and stable because of their efforts, including Namibia, El Salvador, Cambodia and Mozambique. But today, UN peacekeeping is under severe strain because of a rise in the volume and complexity of operations across the globe. Over the last seven years, the UN launched eight new missions in rapid succession, placing a greater demand on a finite supply of well-equipped and trained troops and police. More than 124,000 peacekeepers from 115 countries are currently serving in 15 missions around the world.

One of those areas where the mission, role, and presence remain so important is in the Darfur region of Sudan. That’s why, last week, the Save Darfur Coalition wrote to the President of the Security Council citing growing concerns around insecurity in the region. Specifically, Save Darfur recommended the following actions to strengthen the efforts of the UN/African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID):

  • Demand accountability and transparency in all investigations of attacks against humanitarian and peacekeeping operations and their assets, and actively participate in bringing perpetrators to justice in accordance with the rule of law;
  • Demand that all parties live up to their commitments as outlined by the framework agreements signed in Doha and encourage their return to the negotiation table;
  • Ensure the Sudanese government’s full cooperation in permitting UNAMID forces to broadly interpret their mandate to protect civilians and humanitarian operations through the robust and proactive implementation of the applicable rules of engagement;
  • Demand repercussions for any obstruction to operations of UNAMID forces by the Sudanese government and Darfur’s armed movements;
  • Urge UNAMID commanders to expand the range of security zones patrolled by peacekeeping forces;
  • Demand adherence of the Sudanese government, all armed parties, and states to the UNSC arms embargo, per UNSC Resolution 1591; and
  • Continue to fully resource and finance all operational needs of the force.

The UNAMID presence in Darfur is an absolue necessity. As they’ve proven time and time again, they, the troops, can get the job done. The only question is if they’ll get all the political support and international backing they need.

So, again – thank you to the brave men and women who serve as UN peacekeepers. We stand with you, as we stand with the people of Darfur who continue to hope for peace, security, and justice.

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Save Darfur Letter to the UN Security Council on Rising Insecurity in Darfur

Thursday, May 20th, 2010

A Soldier Serving with Darfur's Beleaguered Protection Force (Photo: AFP/Getty)

Security in Darfur continues to deteriorate, as evidenced by reports of intense fighting over the weekend and the armed kidnapping of three aid workers on Tuesday. Amid a faltering ceasefire, deadly attacks against peacekeepers, violence in Jebel Marra, and troubling news of a military build-up, the Save Darfur Coalition has written to the Permanent Representative of Lebanon to the United Nations  – this month’s president of the Security Council – to address the escalating crisis and its impact on the lives and livelihoods of Darfuri civilians. Today, the UNSC is due to discuss UNAMID in a briefing this morning and consultations in the afternoon.

The text of the letter is below, and can also downloaded it as a PDF.

May 17, 2010

H.E. Dr. Nawaf Salam

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
Permanent Representative of Lebanon
to the United Nations in New York
866 UN Plaza Suite 531-33
New York, NY 10017

Via Facsimile: +1 212 838 2819

Your Excellency Dr. Salam:

We are writing to you on behalf of more than 190 faith-based, advocacy and human rights organizations that make up the Save Darfur Coalition on the occasion of your term as president of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to urge that you make the increasing security concerns in Darfur a top priority during the month of May.

We appreciate your recent reflection that this month presents Lebanon with the opportunity to enhance its global image, in part through assuming a key role on issues relating to Sudan. We also believe that the leadership of Lebanon can deliver renewed international attention and political momentum toward addressing the crucial challenges that face Sudan and its tumultuous region of Darfur, where hostilities have recently escalated. The Save Darfur Coalition is gravely concerned about current insecurity in Darfur, particularly with regard to the situation in the central region of Jebel Marra and a faltering ceasefire between a leading rebel movement and the Sudanese government. Just this past weekend, fierce clashes are reported to have taken place in Jebel Moon, with potentially serious implications for the plight of local civilians, border security with neighboring Chad, and prospects for peace talks scheduled to resume this week. These developments – in addition to small arms proliferation and an increase in tribal conflict – pose a significant threat to the lives and livelihoods of thousands of civilians.

(more…)

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UNAMID Under Fire – Peacekeepers Killed in Darfur

Tuesday, May 11th, 2010

UNAMID Soldiers Mourn the Death of Fellow Peacekeepers (REUTERS/Stuart Price/2008)

The last six months have been both difficult and deadly for UNAMID. On Friday, the targeted slaying of two peacekeepers served as a troubling reminder of that fact.

Although the operation has made significant progress toward full deployment, and it has finally received six of its desperately needed tactical helicopters, the mission’s peacekeepers remain under direct threat from Darfur’s rampant lawlessness and insecurity. Numerous incidents consistently underscore the reality that greater troop numbers, more materiel, and sporadic donations of force multipliers are not the only elements necessary for a robust and effective operation capable of implementing its mandate to protect civilians and humanitarian aid efforts.

As we wrote late last year, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur has been called many things, from being described as a pawn or a proxy to being dismissed as incompetent or irrelevant. But the truth is almost ignored: these peacekeepers are quite literally the only force standing between a vulnerable, victimized population and criminally rampant insecurity. In December, five Rwandans gave up their lives as part of that important effort. Last week, two Egyptian soldiers were killed as they served to bring peace to Darfur. Three others were seriously wounded.

The peacekeepers were travelling near Katila on Friday when they were ambushed by unidentified gunmen not far from Edd al-Fursan in South Darfur. The assailants launched their attack without warning, indiscriminately shooting at the Egyptian convoy. They fled after the contingent returned fire.

AU and UN officials have expressed outrage at Friday’s attack, from describing it as “cowardly” to denouncing it as a “war crime.” In a statement, UNAMID confirmed its “undaunted and unwavering” commitment to its mission, while calling on the Government of Sudan (GoS) to identify the perpetrators and bring them to justice.

This incident comes not long after the results were announced in Sudan’s historic nationwide elections. Last month, shortly after the polls opened, four South African peacekeepers were kidnapped in an apparent attempt by their abductors—newly formed militia —to demonstrate that the necessary security conditions for elections to take place in Darfur did not exist. Just before the voting took place, the European Union withdrew its observer team over staff safety concerns.

But banditry and kidnapping are not the only threats facing both the local population and the force tasked with its protection. Fighting between the GoS and rebel group Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has been confirmed in Jebel Moon, near the Chadian border, amid a faltering ceasefire between the two sides. In the central region of Jebel Marra, regular clashes between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan Liberation Army – Abdel Wahid faction (SLA-AW) have killed an estimated 400 civilians and displaced tens of thousands more. Obstructionism by all parties involved – notably the Government of Sudan and the SLA-AW – has left the local population without access to military protection or humanitarian assistance. In March, a UNAMID convoy was attempting to verify the clashes and the civilian toll when its 60 peacekeepers were ambushed, detained overnight, and robbed of their vehicles and equipment. The Government of Sudan chastised the mission for failing to heed its advice by attempting to undertake their investigation.

In response to Friday’s attacks, the GoS appears to have acted quickly. Wire services are reporting that Sudanese police have arrested two suspected perpetrators and are looking for five others also believed to have taken part in the assault. It remains to be seen whether these men will be held to account in a transparent manner consistent with the rule of law.

If Sudan is committed – as it claims – to ensuring UNAMID’s success and protecting its citizens from criminal violence, these suspects should be interrogated and tried with full UN and AU involvement. When the Rwandan peacekeepers were killed last December, Khartoum announced the arrest of the six men responsible, but little information has been publicly available about the process by which they have been tried for these crimes. This is, after all, a government that – through embracing impunity – has historically not simply failed to deter, but has effectively provided incentives to opportunistic criminals and looters to rob well intentioned peacekeepers of their equipment and, more importantly, their lives.

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Preparing for MINURCAT’s Departure (Continued)

Thursday, May 6th, 2010

Cross-posted at Physician for Human Rights. Click here to see the first part of this blog, posted last week.

Contrary to the agreement of UN and Chadian officials that the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) has “served its purpose,” the BBC reported news of clashes between the Popular Front for National Resistance (FPRN) and Chadian security forces over the weekend. Unofficial reports from the area reference heavy losses of both troops and vehicles sustained by the Government of Chad (GoC) — raising concerns about the possibilities for continuation of humanitarian operations in the area.

The Secretary-General’s speech yesterday continued to maintain that improved relations between Chad and Sudan would allow for a significant reduction of military troops in the volatile Eastern Chad border region; the speech did not respond directly to concerns from human rights groups regarding the financial and logistical components of the new security arrangement. More than 200,000 Darfuri refugees are dependent upon humanitarian operations by international and domestic NGOs for food, shelter, and medical care in the region.

Outlining the proposals advocated in his report, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon recommended the MINURCAT mission’s military component in Chad now be reduced from 3,300 troops to 1,400 troops. In context, the remaining military troops would represent only 38 percent of the troops initially authorized by the UN as necessary to securing the displaced refugee population and humanitarian operations in Eastern Chad. (Even before this withdrawal, the MINURCAT deployment never approached its full authorized deployment of 4,900).

As noted previously, over the past year the region has remained among the most hazardous operating environments currently sustaining humanitarian operations. The disruption of humanitarian operations this weekend was not the first such occurrence. Multi-week suspensions of operations by agencies such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the World Food Programme (WFP) in November-December and May 2009.

Without sufficient security in the area, NGOs are unable to provide services ranging from food distribution — a particular concern ahead of the rainy season; water and sanitation projects — vital to control the spread of disease among overcrowded and vulnerable refugee populations; and medical services, including mobile clinics serving rural populations.

The continued absence of a military capable of securing the area and deterring further attacks could threaten not only the refugee community, but the ability of the humanitarian NGOs to continue to operate in the area.

In addition to these concerns, the recommendations of the Secretary-General’s report increase the informal role of the Détachement intégré de sécurité (DIS) — formed to provide security in the refugee camps and surrounding areas but increasingly relied upon to provide escorts to many UN agencies and some NGO convoys. The under-deployment of the MINURCAT military component, and its lack of troop-strength capable of providing military escorts, increased the role of the DIS (UN-trained Chadian police); this has diverted the focus of the force away from providing security to camp residents, including protection to women gathering firewood and animal feed and to those travelling to market of farming areas.

Along with replacing the lost 1,400 MINURCAT troops — the Government of Chad must also scale up the capacity of the Gendarmerie Nationale national police force of Chad in order to take over the security escorts required by humanitarians — a challenge considering the lower levels of operational and human rights training provided to this force.

Human Rights groups urged the Secretary-General to consider the security of NGO operations, as well as the need for consultation and transparency with refugee communities and humanitarian agencies on the ground. It is vital that the final recommendations, to be adopted by the UN Security Council later this month, are revised to include these concerns.

In sum, the Secretary-General’s recommendations advocate for the withdrawal of 1,400 troops by 15 July (leaving only 1,900 international troops in Chad until 15 October 2010, when they are planned to cease all operations and commence their final withdrawal), while the Government of Chad must source the necessary financial and logistical resources to secure a volatile region hosting in excess of 200,000 Darfurian refugees, whilst sustaining renewed attacks from militia groups possibly associated with the Government of Sudan.

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Preparing for MINURCAT’s Departure: the Post-Peacekeeping Reality in Eastern Chad

Friday, April 30th, 2010

Next week, the UN Secretary-General’s report on the future of the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) peacekeeping force in Eastern Chad will be released, outlining the withdrawal of peacekeeping troops in the Chad-Sudan border region visited by PHR researchers in 2008. The report Nowhere to Turn: Failure to Protect, Support and Assure Justice for Darfuri Women, released by PHR in June 2009, outlined urgent human rights issues in Eastern Chad, including food insecurity, camp infrastructure, access to health and psychosocial care, and security for refugee families. Among the disturbing findings of our investigation was a 50% rate of rape or sexual assault reported by women interviewed by the PHR medical team.

Since the time of PHR’s investigation, a number of security threats and human rights issues have been recorded — via international media reporting on hijackings and kidnappings of humanitarian aid workers, and reports such as that released by the Institute of Studies on Conflicts and Humanitarian Action (IECAH) on the continued need for the peacekeeping force.

Many large-scale infrastructure issues remain, such as the weak Chadian legal system, drought and food shortage, and the continued operation of militarized rebel groups in the area, as well as auxiliary practical issues such as low phone coverage (a key issue for reducing attacks against refugees and humanitarians, as emergency phone calls allow for MINURCAT forces to be alerted to security problems). The recent dispute over the continued presence of the MINURCAT force has detracted focus from these problems, which need to remain at the forefront of the diplomatic and humanitarian agenda in Chad. (Despite ongoing needs in Eastern Chad, the Chadian Government opposed the MINURCAT mission’s renewal in January 2010.)

The withdrawal of MINURCAT transfers responsibility for the security of refugees and humanitarian operations to the Government of Chad (GoC) — a significant challenge for a state with low material wealth and incomplete infrastructure. So, what can be done, given the limitations of the current circumstances?

First, it is important to remember that the continued existence of the 200,000 Darfurian refugees in Eastern Chad relies on the efforts of humanitarian aid workers and UN staff on the ground: managing the refugee camps, distributing WFP rations and shelter items, and providing emergency medical care. Humanitarian agencies have continued to operate in Eastern Chad despite increasingly frequent security threats to NGOs and personnel, and rely on police escorts in order to operate in the Phase IV security environment. The current system of police escorts for NGO convoys must be taken over by the Chadian police force, and it is particularly important that NGOs are not obliged to pay or provide other compensation for the new security arrangements, and that the GoC accept responsibility for ensuring the security of the humanitarian operations.

Secondly, refugee communities and the humanitarian actors working with refugees must be consulted and kept informed of the transition and departure of MINURCAT and how the GoC will continue MINURCAT’s security and protection activities. In order to ensure this takes place, the GoC should immediately establish a dialogue and consultation forum with refugee communities and humanitarian workers, and the international community should remain engaged in the transition process to ensure that this takes place.

Thirdly, it is of utmost importance that the MINURCAT withdrawal not be allowed to disrupt the humanitarian operations in Eastern Chad and/or detract from refugee security and protection. The continued monitoring of the human rights situation on the ground, and a specific focus on the security and protection needs of refugees, is paramount. The numbers of the civilian police force should be increased as the military component is phased out, and measures must be taken in the recruiting process to improve the conduct of police officers, sensitize police to human rights and gender issues, and dramatically raise the number of women police officers.

The disappointing withdrawal of the MINURCAT force — before the benchmarks of withdrawal have been met (see the Secretary-General’s December 2008 reports) — should not distract the UN Security Council or the international community from addressing the ongoing problems affecting the Darfurian refugee population in Eastern Chad. The reduction of arms, sexual and gender-based violence and human rights abuses (demilitarization of camps) must remain a key priority, along with assisting the voluntary and safe return of communities. In addition to resolving security issues on a community level, it is vital that widespread problems, such as the capacity and training of national law enforcement agencies, judiciary and prison systems, are addressed, and that the Chadian military assigns a quick reaction force to take over from MINURCAT’s civilian component.

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Peacekeepers Abducted in Darfur

Friday, April 16th, 2010

UNAMID peacekeepers on patrol in Regel El-Kubri, Sudan (UN Photo/Stuart Price)

Most Sudan-related news this week has understandably focused on the country’s historic elections, which came to a close yesterday after a generally peaceful but deeply flawed process. Many journalists documented electoral irregularities, the opposition boycott, and even a few incidents of violence and intimidation. In Darfur – which EU observers declared too insecure for monitoring – another story has gone largely under the radar of the international press.

Just as the nationwide polls were underway, four South African peacekeepers went missing in near Nyala, in South Darfur. On Tuesday—the third day of voting—the joint United Nations African-Union mission (UNAMID) confirmed their abduction at gunpoint.

The kidnappers are allegedly part of a new militia in the region, which calls itself the People’s Democratic Struggle Movement. Jubril Bukhari Abbas, the group’s head, is reported to have acknowledged its members were responsible, but were not acting under the movement’s instructions.

He reportedly said the abductor “was unaware of an agreement which was concluded between the government and [the movement], which has joined the peace march.”

UNAMID spokesman Nouredine Mezni said mission representatives have spoken with the kidnapped peacekeepers, and they are in good health.

Although Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir has declared the war over, impunity and insecurity persist in the form of both direct clashes and unrestrained lawlessness. Recent fighting in Jebel Marra and in Jebel Moon has resulted in up to 400 deaths and has displaced an estimated 100,000 civilians, leaving the local populations without access to humanitarian assistance or military protection.

Darfur’s peacekeepers and aid workers have been increasingly targeted, resulting in kidnapping, banditry, and even killings. This week’s incident is only the latest of many that highlight how the “calm but unpredictable” security environment in Darfur in reality means it is safe for no one, least of all those trying to alleviate the crisis.

It is little wonder, then, why the more than two million displaced people in camps and members of other war-affected communities generally boycotted the registration process in this year’s elections. Opposition politics  remains a dangerous and nearly impossible pursuit in Darfur. Intimidation prevails, and the region remains under a state of emergency. There is no evidence that any of the various armed groups have Darfuri interests in mind as they try to gain leverage amid faltering ceasefires and ongoing peace talks, and the election results will no doubt have implications for their tactics.

Even if one accepts Bashir’s declaration that the war in Darfur is over, the brutal consequences of the crisis on a daily basis confront the vast majority of its citizens. Without the opportunity to choose leadership other than Bashir and his ruling party, Darfuris were understandably hesitant to take any part in a sham that seeks to legitimize a regime that has directly contributed to their ongoing grievances.

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Darfur Womens Action Group and STAND club at American University Honor Women

Monday, March 29th, 2010

Late last week I attended a panel discussion by the Darfur Women Action Group and the STAND Club of American University to honor the struggle, strength and resilience of Darfuri women in the face of genocide. This event was held to commemorate International Women’s Day and Women’s History month, and was solely focused on what needed to be done to empower female survivors of the genocide and how to bring justice and accountability to Darfur, the marginalized cities, and all of Sudan.

It was an all-woman panel featuring Rev. Gloria White Hammond of My Sister’s Keeper, Evelyn Thornton of Initiative for Inclusive security, Fatima Haroun of Darfur Women Action Group, Ciatta Z. Bayshah, Esq. for International Justice Project and Niemat Ahmadi, a representative of Save Darfur Coalition and member of Darfur Women Action Group

Rev. Gloria spoke first of the terrible history of slavery in South Sudan that she herself witnessed. She mentioned that, at the time, $33.00 U.S Dollars was the exchange rate for a slave and that women were disproportionately affected by the slavery. She spoke of the need of women’s voices in peace building for Darfur and all of Sudan. She encouraged the attending American University students, Diaspora community, and other activists to never give up and to use their voice to advocate for women and peace in Sudan.

Evelyn Thornton spoke strongly, clarifying that asking actors to include women in the peace process is not to demonize men, but to have women present and represented in the peace and decision making process for their community and Sudan. Ms. Thornton talked about Inclusive Security’s commitment to innovative strategies that will include women in the peace processes while mentioning that women were only present at the Abuja peace talks at the final, or 7th meeting. She highlighted that female inclusion was not about equality, and that women at peace talks or tables helped raise issues of peace, not power, education, development and healthcare centers. In all women, have demonstrated a willingness to cross conflict lines and consistently reach collaborative agendas.  Key findings that were discussed about women’s involvement were that women should be involved from day 1, that the US negotiation team of mediators should reflect at least 30% women, and that women should be supported at the peace talks.

Fatima Haroun of Darfur Women Action Group spoke passionately of a need for community healing and recovery; that women are enduring constant pain and emotional distress from being witnesses to murder, rape, mass killings, and abuse. She highlighted a urgent need for a process of healing, as well as a trusted system of justice and accountability in Darfur. Fatima asked for stabilization, social amenities, infrastructure and development, trade schools and an empowerment center for women that can provide counseling services and microfinance institutions.

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