March 8 was International Women’s Day, a very special day for me personally as a Sudanese woman from Darfur. It’s an important moment in which I stand in recognition of the struggle of the Darfuri women and as part of women’s struggle worldwide. Despite the suffering, Darfuri women have demonstrated outstanding resilience and strength and have served as leaders and spokesperson’s for their communities during the ongoing genocide in Darfur, for which they have to be recognized, particularly those who are still living in the camps.

March 8th was the 100th anniversary of International Women’s Day. In 1911 – the year the holiday was first celebrated internationally – women could not yet vote in most countries. It is worth noting that women have accomplished a lot globally since then , however, that is  not because the world have changed or opened its arms for women to come forward and have access to the different levels of participation, no, this is not simply the case! It’s because of women’s unspeakable struggles. Despite the fact that today a number of women serve as presidents and in other positions of power, there is still a long way to go if women are to enjoy the same access and rights as men. Looking at UN’s  this year’s theme for International Women’s Day, “Equal access to education, training, and science and technology: Pathway to decent work for women,” indeed it is a very vital goal to be accomplished, however it’s extremely overwhelming when I look back and see the challenges ahead for women like those in Darfur.

For 8 years, while women around the globe have celebrated International Women’s Day, Darfuri women endure horror and fear every single hour of their existence. Since 2003, women in Darfur have been crying for security, protection and decent life with dignity as their minimum very basic rights, only to see handful promises from the international community.

Today as I am writing, rape and all forms of sexual violence has become part of the Darfuri women’s daily life, following news coming from on the ground in Darfur, at least 10 women are raped every week and these reports are only from those who can be able to speak or find someone who can speak for them. There are many more uncounted cases of those out of reach who can’t speak for themselves. After 8 years of suffering and oppression, it’s very unfortunate to see how the world leaders have failed the Darfuris by their inaction.

Listening to the Netherlands based Radio Dabanga, women have been asked in this occasion to describes  their situation, as one woman from Zalingi said, “in this special day we are not celebrating , because we have been deprived from  life, we are constantly oppressed and set to live in fear for being attacked at any time. The government has oppressed us through rape, starvation and forced us to live in salience, this is happening within the watch of the United Nations/African Union Mission (UNAMID) that is suppose to protect us”.

In Sudan today, the systematic rape have been extended by the government’s security apparatus to target even Darfuri women in the capital Khartoum as in case of Safia Ishag who was arrested following the students uprising and brutally raped by three national security agents. The government has also integrated violence against women into its state laws which legalize the flogging of women in public because of their choices such as of wearing pants.  On March 8th Sudanese women in Khartoum went out to denounce these state laws, leading a peaceful protest against women’s oppression and demanding legal reforms. Sadly over 40 women have been beaten, arrested, and forcefully kept for further interrogation.

As one of the first-hand witnesses to the horror against women in Darfur and Sudan at large, I am determined to continue to speak for them to remind the world of the forgotten plights of my fellow people in Darfur. We must remind those leaders who have not kept their promises and call upon women leaders, particularly in the United States such as Secretary of the State Hillary Rodham Clinton and the US ambassador for global women’s issues, who have shown commitment to women issues that Darfuri women need your voices and demand your commitment to lead and rally the support for ending the tragic conditions that have surrounded their make shift camps for 8 years in Darfur. As women leaders, with competence and capability it’s imperative that you become the voice for those who are left voiceless in Darfur, and you should not allow the indicted genocidal criminal Al-Basher to rule over their destiny.

I urge the attention of women leaders worldwide, those who have devoted themselves to fight for women’s rights, to tell the world that Darfuri women need protection, security and safety. I call upon those who have committed to fight impunity that achieving justice and accountability for the crimes committed against the Darfuri women is morally imperative.

Finally, I can’t let this moment goes without recognizing the remarkable role played by Netherlands based Radio Dabanaga,  which lunched special radio program devoted to give Darfuri women a voice. It does not only give them the hope that they can now make their voices heard, but it will bring their plight to the attention of the world community. If a little radio can give a woman a voice, then why not the United Nations with its huge operation, or why does the United States not take such practical steps that can substantially benefit women? It’s evident that if we can’t do everything we can still do something that can tangibly improve the life of women in some areas that they need the most.

On Sunday, February 20^th, I joined a dedicated group of American activists from diverse faiths, including Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, that united to protest in front of the Sudanese embassy in Washington D.C.   We were there to call for an end to the systematic violence against civilians in Darfur. For each month in the past four years, the Darfur Interfaith Network (D.I.N.) has come to stand with the victims of genocide in Darfur and support the right of self-determination for the people of South Sudan.  On the Sunday that I attended, the group celebrated the peaceful completion of the South Sudan Referendum and called on the United States government and international community to turn their attention to the escalation of violence in Darfur.

Laura Katz Cutler, the founder of D.I.N. said, “We have been doing this for four years, and will never, ever stop until the genocide victims in Darfur are freed and they can live in peace and with dignity. We are committed to stand here every third Sunday of the month to tell our government that the war in Darfur is not over and it is too early to normalize relations with Khartoum or lift sanctions or remove their name from the state sponsors of the terrorism list, while the genocide is ongoing in Darfur.”

I shared with the activists the heartbreaking news about the current situation in Darfur, including the continued attacks against civilians, which killed over 2,300 Darfuris and displaced over 300,000 more, and the increased cases of sexual violence that are being reported nearly every day. December’s indiscriminate bombings in Jebel Marra, Thabit, Shangle Tobai, and many more areas in North and South Darfur displaced over 40,000 people and left thousands without critical aid. Unfortunately, the UNAMID troops that are there to protect civilians are hogtied by the Sudanese government’s obstructionism and the unwillingness of the international community to hold Khartoum accountable.  I told the group “Sadly, despite the devastation and the tragic situation for our people in Darfur, the Obama administration announced its plan to normalize relations with the al-Bashir regime and to take Sudan’s name off the list of the state sponsors of terrorism.”

Jimmy Mula, the President of Voices for Sudan and originally from South Sudan, said “We are grateful that the referendum went peacefully, however our task has not yet been completed as long as Darfur is still burning and the indicted president is still dictating over the Sudanese people affairs. The time has not yet come for America to normalize relations; we must write to the Obama Administration to tell him that we are against the normalization with Bashir and that his policy toward normalization should be revisited.” Mohamed Yahya, a Darfuri American and the Executive Director of Damanga Coalition for Freedom and Democracy, stated, “It’s very unfortunate that this great country is planning to reward the regime that killed millions of people, in both the civil war in South Sudan and the current genocide in Darfur.  It’s known to the world that he has been indicted for genocide, and shame on us, the American people, if we can’t tell our government not to do so”.

Miss Katz Cutler said, ”From what we have seen in the recent developments in the Middle East and North Africa, it’s proven that only the will of people can remain the power that can bring the change. Therefore there is no reason for us not to continue support the will of the people of Darfur to live in peace.”

At the end of the vigil, we gathered and prayed together and reiterated our commitment to continue to do whatever it takes to stand with the victims of the Darfur genocide. I left with much hope and energy.

I am convinced that the promise of “Never Again” can only become reality if ordinary citizens work for it. Groups like the Darfur Interfaith Vigil are not hesitant to tell their government and the world that they demand that President al-Bashir be held accountable for the crimes against humanity and genocide.

I believe that those of us who are lucky to have escaped the ongoing genocide in Darfur are obliged to be the voice for our people who have been oppressed and silenced. We must stand firm, build strong alliances with all people of conscience to fight against genocide and mass atrocities everywhere, and continue to defend the rights of all the oppressed and their equal access to justice and human rights.

Niemat Ahmadi, Diaspora Outreach and Advocacy Coordinator, Genocide Intervention Network/Save Darfur Coalition

About http://www.hope4darfurmarch.org/darfur-interfaith-network

The executive summary is below; read the full paper here.

The clock is ticking fast towards what might be the most important date in modern Sudanese history – two referenda in Sudan that are likely to result in the breakup of Africa’s largest state. With six months remaining until 9 January 2011, the scheduled date of the referenda, the run-up to, and outcome of, the vote must be managed with extreme care. The Guarantors to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA ), who invested considerable effort in obtaining the CPA on 9 January 2005, have both a responsibility and an ability to help Sudan implement the CPA and prevent further conflict. It is imperative that the Guarantors urgently redouble their efforts to ensure adequate preparations for the referenda, and help secure agreements on sensitive issues such as border demarcation and oil sharing.

The experiences of recent years have demonstrated that focusing on one part of Sudan at the expense of another complicates the situation in both. Focusing too narrowly on the challenges of securing a peaceful post-CPA transition in Southern Sudan could backfire. The CPA Guarantors must not relegate the situation in Northern Sudan – especially the conflict in Darfur, where violence in May 2010 claimed the highest number of lives since 2008 – to the second tier of priorities.

As the Guarantors step up their political involvement, we hope to see generous donor support. More needs to be done now to bring in the requisite diplomatic, financial, and technical resources to put in place the requirements for the referenda and, after the vote, to improve Sudan’s stability and dire state of human development.

1. Use the upcoming Consultative Forum meeting in Khartoum on 17 July 2010 to agree to an urgent expansion of international efforts to prepare for peaceful, credible and timely referenda in Southern Sudan and Abyei.

2. Restate publicly, clearly and collectively the internationally recognized right of the people of Southern Sudan to self-determination. At the July 2010 AU Summit in Uganda, African Heads of State should reaffirm their unequivocal support for this right and pledge to recognize the outcomes of two free and fair referenda. The League of Arab States and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) should follow suit, and be encouraged to do so by the Troika (US, UK and Norway) and the UN Secretary-General.

3. Appoint a high-level individual to travel to Abyei, Blue Nile, and Southern Kordofan consistently over the next six months to ensure adequate preparations for the referendum in Abyei and the popular consultations in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan.

4. Call on the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) to build up its civilian capacity in Abyei and facilitate inter-communal dialogue on the future of the area and call on the UN Development Program (UNDP) to consider extending its Southern Kordofan conflict prevention program to Abyei.

5. Persuade the National Congress Party of Sudan (NCP ) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM ), the two parties to the CPA , to make public commitments that the rights to freedom of movement, residence and property currently afforded to all Sudanese citizens will be preserved regardless of the outcome of the referenda.

6. Provide technical assistance to the CPA parties to reach an equitable agreement on oil sharing, to be backed up by independent third party monitoring.

7. Encourage UNMIS to carry out a careful assessment of its civilian protection capabilities, including identification of the weakest links, leading to preventive UNMIS deployments in flashpoint areas to deter future violence.

8. State clearly and publicly that international human rights standards must be respected in Northern as well as in Southern Sudan, and that the Guarantors will uphold their commitment to the goals of democratic transformation in Sudan.

9. Call on the African Union/UN Hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAM ID) to focus on its primary objective of protecting civilians and to increase and make public its human rights reporting.

10. Call on donors to Sudan to revisit the present plan to hold a large donor conference only after the announcement of the referenda results and consider additional closed-door resource mobilization meetings to ensure adequate resources are available in time. Guarantors should encourage investment in renewed South-South dialogue, conflict prevention and strengthening local peace-building capacities.

Former South African President and AUPD Chairman Thabo Mbeki (Getty Images)

When former South African president Thabo Mbeki was appointed to lead the African Union’s High Level Implementation Panel on Darfur (AUPD), many Western governments and rights groups feared his work would undermine efforts to secure a peace agreement that could deliver justice to the people of Darfur and help Sudan on its way toward national reconciliation.

Instead, far from letting Sudan’s government and its indicted leader Omar al-Bashir off the hook for atrocities committed in the country’s war-torn region, the panel’s highly anticipated report—made public last fall—challenged the Sudanese government to take responsibility for war crimes prosecutions, and included a nuanced appeal to address the ongoing political and economic marginalisation of Darfur, cited as the conflict’s key causative factors.

Neither justice nor peace, it makes clear, can be realized without the Sudanese government’s full participation in promoting accountability for atrocities committed in Darfur and in reforming the country’s hitherto centrifugal and divisive political system, including the inequitable distribution of power and wealth in Sudan.

Mbeki in Darfur (SSRC: Making Sense of Sudan)

Mbeki’s report stated clearly that a peace agreement followed by Darfur’s full participation in free and fair national elections should be part of this solution.

But Sudan’s historic nationwide polls have closed. Bashir has declared overwhelming victory as a new chapter in the country’s troubled narrative begins—one that will ultimately determine the nation’s continued existence. Amidst the declarations of triumph and denunciations of a stolen vote, it seems the election process has done little to address the root causes of Darfur’s troubles.

Just the opposite, in fact.

As elections approached—amid voter and opposition boycotts, and as promising peace deals and ceasefires faltered —many sceptics questioned how the region’s beleaguered population, including millions of internally displaced persons, could participate in a free, fair and peaceful electoral process when none of those qualities can describe Darfur itself.

While large-scale battles and daily massacres of civilians may finally be confined to Darfur’s tragic past, the region’s “calm but unpredictable” security environment in reality means it is safe for no one, least of all those trying to alleviate the crisis. Intimidation prevails, and the region remains under a state of emergency. Impunity and insecurity likewise persist—clashes between belligerent parties, deadly attacks against peacekeepers, mass displacements, kidnappings, and banditry occur with disturbing regularity. Restrictions on protection and aid efforts have left the local populations without access to humanitarian assistance or military protection.

In the months leading up to the elections, fighting between the Sudan Armed Forces and multiple rebel groups raged in the central region of Jebel Marra and in Jebel Moon near the Chadian border. Days before voting began, the European Union monitoring team pulled out of Darfur, citing security concerns. And just as the nationwide elections were underway, four South African peacekeepers were abducted at gunpoint as they tried to investigate the ongoing clashes. Two days after the polls closed, the Carter Center determined that it could not endorse the elections in Darfur.

In this context, opposition politics remains a dangerous and nearly impossible pursuit in Darfur. The “legal and security conditions” in Darfur necessary for political activity to be freely conducted – called for in Mbeki’s report – were not realized in advance of the polls, and are now unlikely to be fulfilled, leaving many in fear of what’s next for the troubled region.

To make matters worse, there is no evidence that any of the various armed groups have Darfuri interests in mind as they try to gain leverage amid faltering ceasefires and ongoing peace talks, and the election results will no doubt have implications for their increasingly selfish tactics.

Mbeki and Bashir (Pan African News Wire)

Bashir’s ruling NCP, on the other hand, has made public statements expressing confidence that it has the support of Darfur’s people. Despite decades of war and oppression, it claims it has earned a mandate from the people it governs and the citizens it has oppressed will somehow find salvation in its continuing reign.

It is little wonder, then, why the more than two million displaced people in camps and members of other war-affected communities generally boycotted the registration process.

Even if one accepts that the bloody war and related mass atrocities has devolved into a low intensity conflict, the brutal consequences of the crisis on a daily basis confront the vast majority of Darfur’s citizens. Without the opportunity to choose leadership other than Bashir and his ruling party, Darfuris were understandably hesitant to take part in a sham that sought to legitimise a regime that has directly contributed to their ongoing grievances.

Darfur has been disenfranchised; its people robbed of their participation in this national milestone.

But the African Union – desperate to move on to the next critical stage in Sudan’s transformation – will accept the results. The head of the AU Observer Mission in Sudan and former President of Ghana John Kufuor said he believes the people of Darfur generally appreciate what he refers to as the “institution of election” as a “necessary beginning” for the country’s more positive future.

Whether one accepts this as pragmatic realism or criticises it as criminal opportunism in favour of another African leader, it’s difficult to deny the people of Darfur have been left at the sidelines.

The process has pushed Darfur further to the margins, and amid renewed fears has deprived its people of true leadership. Bashir, having declared overwhelming victory in Sudan, will confidently excuse his ICC indictment, thereby suggesting his new mandate also negates the grave charges implicated in the AUPD investigation.

Mbeki has been praised by respected Sudan expert Alex de Waal for focusing political attention toward “addressing the underlying political malaise in Sudan, that gives rise to [human rights and humanitarian] violations” and putting “the Sudanese people back at the centre of the process.”

But these elections have done nothing of the sort.

Thabo Mbeki (Reuters)

Now, millions of disillusioned Darfuris and Sudanese watch as international leaders, despite whispers of disapproval, will ultimately hold fast to the status quo after a deeply undemocratic vote. And so, the gyre widens; hypocrisy and custom make their minds. Perhaps, though, it’s still fair to hope that Mbeki will be the exception.

For Mbeki, as a recognized leader on both democracy and Darfur, this is his chance to reflect on the panel’s report and prove that he is unwilling to compromise his findings to make excuses for one of the continent’s longest reigning military despots.

UNAMID Soldiers Mourn the Death of Fellow Peacekeepers (REUTERS/Stuart Price/2008)

The last six months have been both difficult and deadly for UNAMID. On Friday, the targeted slaying of two peacekeepers served as a troubling reminder of that fact.

Although the operation has made significant progress toward full deployment, and it has finally received six of its desperately needed tactical helicopters, the mission’s peacekeepers remain under direct threat from Darfur’s rampant lawlessness and insecurity. Numerous incidents consistently underscore the reality that greater troop numbers, more materiel, and sporadic donations of force multipliers are not the only elements necessary for a robust and effective operation capable of implementing its mandate to protect civilians and humanitarian aid efforts.

As we wrote late last year, the UN-AU hybrid mission in Darfur has been called many things, from being described as a pawn or a proxy to being dismissed as incompetent or irrelevant. But the truth is almost ignored: these peacekeepers are quite literally the only force standing between a vulnerable, victimized population and criminally rampant insecurity. In December, five Rwandans gave up their lives as part of that important effort. Last week, two Egyptian soldiers were killed as they served to bring peace to Darfur. Three others were seriously wounded.

The peacekeepers were travelling near Katila on Friday when they were ambushed by unidentified gunmen not far from Edd al-Fursan in South Darfur. The assailants launched their attack without warning, indiscriminately shooting at the Egyptian convoy. They fled after the contingent returned fire.

AU and UN officials have expressed outrage at Friday’s attack, from describing it as “cowardly” to denouncing it as a “war crime.” In a statement, UNAMID confirmed its “undaunted and unwavering” commitment to its mission, while calling on the Government of Sudan (GoS) to identify the perpetrators and bring them to justice.

This incident comes not long after the results were announced in Sudan’s historic nationwide elections. Last month, shortly after the polls opened, four South African peacekeepers were kidnapped in an apparent attempt by their abductors—newly formed militia —to demonstrate that the necessary security conditions for elections to take place in Darfur did not exist. Just before the voting took place, the European Union withdrew its observer team over staff safety concerns.

But banditry and kidnapping are not the only threats facing both the local population and the force tasked with its protection. Fighting between the GoS and rebel group Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) has been confirmed in Jebel Moon, near the Chadian border, amid a faltering ceasefire between the two sides. In the central region of Jebel Marra, regular clashes between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan Liberation Army – Abdel Wahid faction (SLA-AW) have killed an estimated 400 civilians and displaced tens of thousands more. Obstructionism by all parties involved – notably the Government of Sudan and the SLA-AW – has left the local population without access to military protection or humanitarian assistance. In March, a UNAMID convoy was attempting to verify the clashes and the civilian toll when its 60 peacekeepers were ambushed, detained overnight, and robbed of their vehicles and equipment. The Government of Sudan chastised the mission for failing to heed its advice by attempting to undertake their investigation.

In response to Friday’s attacks, the GoS appears to have acted quickly. Wire services are reporting that Sudanese police have arrested two suspected perpetrators and are looking for five others also believed to have taken part in the assault. It remains to be seen whether these men will be held to account in a transparent manner consistent with the rule of law.

If Sudan is committed – as it claims – to ensuring UNAMID’s success and protecting its citizens from criminal violence, these suspects should be interrogated and tried with full UN and AU involvement. When the Rwandan peacekeepers were killed last December, Khartoum announced the arrest of the six men responsible, but little information has been publicly available about the process by which they have been tried for these crimes. This is, after all, a government that – through embracing impunity – has historically not simply failed to deter, but has effectively provided incentives to opportunistic criminals and looters to rob well intentioned peacekeepers of their equipment and, more importantly, their lives.

Newly deployed M-35P in Nyala. Photo: UNAMID/Albert Gonzalez Farran

It’s been a painfully long time coming, but last week, five Mil Mi-35P gunships settled in to their new home in Nyala, South Darfur. The Ethiopian helicopters – whitewashed for peacekeeping service – will in theory greatly enhance UNAMID’s aerial capacity. They represent a key force multiplier, essential in developing the mission’s rapid reaction capability, including emergency response and tactical intervention.

But after celebrating their long overdue arrival, the first thing on Force Commander Nyamvumba’s agenda was to ask for more. He has made it very clear that this is only one step in a series of many that UN and AU member states must take to provide his peacekeepers with the very best odds possible as they confront endless challenges in Darfur, an advantage they have not thus far enjoyed.

This means giving them the mobility and muscle needed to successfully confront hostile operating conditions, the adversities of which have been compounded by continued obstruction by both the government and rebel groups, as well as by violent attacks directly targeting the mission and its assets.

Amid reports of civilian deaths and mass displacement, recent events illustrate the complex reality of a place far from peace. The use of indiscriminate aerial bombardment by the Sudan Armed Forces against rebel positions in Jebel Moun and Jebel Mara has a disproportionately devastating effect on local populations. Rebel movements have likewise hurt Darfuri civilians by restricting both UNAMID investigations and humanitarian access. In at least one battle – which resulted in more than a dozen deaths, 31,000 displaced civilians, and serious human rights abuses, including sexual violence – highly placed military sources told me that “helicopters and aerial reconnaissance units would have helped…prevent the incident.”

In fact, over the last three months, fatal incidents have repeatedly highlighted the essential role of helicopters in life-saving medical evacuation, rapid investigations and assessment following clashes, tactical intervention and quick reaction capacity, aerial reconnaissance and monitoring, as well as troop and equipment deployment. The Mi-35P is only capable of fulfilling a small number of these tasks.

The Mi-35Ps – with their powerful 30-mm twin-barrel automatic cannons – bring exciting new strength to an operation consistently criticized for being weak and ineffective, but they are in reality only a few items on a long list of aircraft that UNAMID desperately needs to implement its protection mandate. The gunships, while important, have limited impact on the mission’s ability to negotiate Darfur’s harsh terrain, rampant banditry, and prohibitive lack of infrastructure necessary for the efficient movement of troops and equipment to the region’s hotspots. For that, UNAMID requires many more utility and transport helicopters.

For this reason, despite the arrival of the Ethiopian Mi-35Ps, Lt. Gen. Nyamvumba still indicates the lack of helicopters is the mission’s most significant handicap, and that he needs at least 18 to do the job. The Commander’s first concern is his troops: “How do I reinforce them, how do I extract those in danger?”

Just as important, Nyamvumba highlights the impact on UNAMID’s capacity to protect civilians. He warned, “We cannot deliver the mandate without the necessary equipment.”

Amnesty International documented GoS Mi-34 attack helicopters in Darfur

The effort to procure these resources is not new, and the violence that may have been prevented by more timely support is untold.

In 2006, Human Rights Watch urged the international community to provide the beleaguered Darfur force – then solely an African Union operation – with helicopters, which military experts deemed necessary for fulfilling the mission’s mandate to protect civilians and proactively enforcing its rules of engagement. In 2007, a joint NGO report urged fulfillment of the mission’s aerial needs and warned that without helicopters, UNAMID would ultimately be rendered ineffective. In 2008, to highlight the contrast between need and availability, the Future of Peace Operations project compiled a global inventory of attack, transport and observation helicopters in order to identify possible donors. In 2009, in a move welcomed by UNAMID, 22 NGOs once again highlighted the severe lack of vital aerial resources, notably helicopters.

Month after month and year after year, the UN Secretary-General has noted this highly problematic shortcoming in his reports to the Security Council, citing its crippling impact on the mission’s effectiveness.

It is therefore imperative that the arrival of the Ethiopian gunships signal the beginning of renewed attention toward helicopter deployment in Darfur.  At the same time, advocacy and diplomatic pressure must be rigorously applied to fulfill the terms of the Status of Forces Agreement (SoFA) and secure guarantees of freedom of movement and flight clearance from both rebel and government forces. With increased violence and approaching elections, UNAMID cannot afford to be grounded any longer.

Former UNAMID Force Commander Meets SLA Field Commander (UN Photo/Stuart Price)

Without excuses and without exception, when humanitarian and human rights are threatened, there must be independent monitoring; when violated, there must be an investigation. This applies as much to oppressive government forces as it does to their challengers. When clashes threaten the lives and livelihoods of civilians, the rebel cause is weakened. SLA-AW, take note.

Obstructionism – sometimes enforced by hostile threats – against Darfur’s embattled peacekeeping mission (UNAMID) has become a serious problem. Despite recent advances toward full deployment, other factors have severely limited its troops from implementing their mandate to effectively protect civilians. Perhaps most troubling of these is the extent to which all key belligerent parties continue to restrict UNAMID’s monitoring patrols and access to the sites of ongoing or recently concluded clashes, most of which have resulted in the limitation of humanitarian assistance and direct abuses against local populations—including human rights violations, civilian deaths, and mass displacement.

Though this is far from an emerging problem in Darfur, it requires renewed attention and must be addressed with the rigorous application of impartial standards to all groups involved, while acknowledging responsibility is not shared equally. The reality – which varies over time depending on military and political strategy –  is some are worse offenders than others. In December, we highlighted the role of the Government of Sudan (GoS) in impeding the work of UNAMID and the UN Panel of Experts. Today, we single out the SLA-AW for obstructionist actions that have complemented, rather than counteracted, GoS destabilizing activities and have further eroded civilian security while promoting impunity in Darfur.

The latest report of the UN Secretary-General on UNAMID cites 21 restrictions on freedom of movement, breaking down as such:

None of these groups has a defensible reason for their actions, but SLA-AW is out at least nine. Further, they have been implicated in threatening UN peacekeepers by firing shots and confiscating UNAMID equipment. In November of last year, SLA-AW also obstructed humanitarian activities, without any apparent regard for the severity and urgency of local civilian needs.

The international community led by JSR Gambari must make it clear that while fulfillment of materiel and personnel needs are essential, ending such severe obstructionism should be a priority second to none. Furthermore, although the long overdue arrival of 5 Ethiopian tactical helicopters represents welcome progress, guarantees of flight clearance must be secured from both rebels and government forces, and immediate facilitation of UNAMID aerial reconnaissance capacity must be realized.  The incidents described above indicate that the mission’s full impact and ability to implement its mandate cannot be achieved without these measures.

As we’ve noted before, both war and peace in Darfur continue to be placed purposefully and systematically at arms length. While UNAMID is often the target, it is always and invariably the civilians who suffer the consequences.  And although the UN-AU hybrid operation in Darfur has been called many things, the truth is almost always ignored: these peacekeepers are quite literally the only force standing between a vulnerable, victimized population and criminally rampant insecurity perpetuated by belligerent parties that seem to increasingly hold their own interests above those of Darfuri civilians.

For the Secretary-General’s full report to the UN Security Council, click here. See section IV. Security Situation, page 5 for more details on obstructionism by Darfur’s key belligerent parties. UNAMID’s November 2009 statement on SLA-AW restrictions can be found here.

For a different perspective on this issue, click here.

• Call on the government of Sudan to protect the civilian population in Darfur and to call on all parties in the conflict to stop directing attacks against civilians, including humanitarian staff.
• Continue to support the reinforcement of national and international justice mechanisms in order to end the culture of impunity in Sudan by bringing to justice those suspected of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur.
• Call on the government of Sudan, and the authorities of South Sudan, to protect civilians and provide UNMIS with the support it needs.
• Call on the UN to urgently develop an action plan for UNMIS to strengthen the protection of civilians in Southern Sudan in light of the deteriorating conflict situation. This should include more long range patrols, more stations of peacekeeping troops – including in remote areas, and rapid deployment units that can respond to outbreaks of violence.
• Call on the Sudanese government to bring the National Security Act in line with international human rights standards and with the Sudanese Bill of Rights. The immunity of NISS agents must be removed and allegations of human rights violations must be investigated and those responsible prosecuted in accordance with standards of fair trial.

In previous Ordinary Sessions, the AU debated issues related to international justice and peace and security. In December 2009, many African countries pledged to comply with their obligations under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and surrender anyone with an arrest warrant issued for their name. With the ICC decision on al-Bashir being announced tomorrow and today being the last day of the 14th Ordinary Session of the AU, we hope that the Commission honors its commitments to the ICC and that additional African countries join the pledge.

Chairperson Jean Ping, of the African Union Commission, recalled that 2010 was declared to be a year of peace and security. With the help of its neighbors and regional support let’s hope that 2010 is certainly a year of peace in Sudan.

Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Senator John Kerry talks with Ranking Member Senator Richard Lugar

In thinking about what that strategy should look like, it’s useful to recall what led to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended decades of conflict between Khartoum and south Sudan in 2005: a sustained investment in diplomacy, led in part by the United States, supported by relevant regional and international powers, and backed by significant incentives and pressures. The United States has another opportunity to provide strategic leadership to help create a space for the Sudanese themselves to resolve the country’s interlocking crises.

To be effective, there are four key components for U.S. Sudan policy, explained at greater length in the Blueprint for Peace that we published with our partners at the Enough Project and Genocide Intervention Network:

Comprehensive Strategy
The administration’s strategy for peace in Sudan must work for an inclusive Darfur peace process that includes an opportunity for civil society voices to be heard.  It must revitalize implementation of the CPA and the dangerously neglected Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement. And it must end Sudan’s proxy war with Chad. A strategy that fails to address all of these issues is unlikely to succeed in contributing to a sustainable peace for all Sudan.  But the strategy also has to recognize that these issues are interconnected – and are rooted in the vast disparity in power and wealth between the center and the periphery.

Multilateral Strategy
The United States cannot succeed alone.  It’s vital that the administration work closely with other governments in dealing with Sudan; a reliance on bilateral diplomacy will provide Khartoum the opportunity to play one party off the other, as it has historically done with great success. Among the key actors are China, Egypt, the United Kingdom, and France as well as the African Union and the Arab League. The United States can play a strategic leadership role in building a multilateral coalition of countries with the needed leverage.

Balance of Incentives and Consequences
If the benefits and consequences for warring parties in Sudan are meaningful, the chance for peace increases dramatically. Without real sticks and carrots, the parties in Sudan will remain focused on military confrontation. The United States should work multilaterally to change the incentive structure in Sudan from war to peace. The basic structure should be to offer a choice:

Behind Door One/Carrots: If Sudan permits unrestricted humanitarian access, secures peace in Darfur, fully implements the Comprehensive Peace Agreement for South Sudan, ensures free and fair elections in Sudan, and removes the indicted President, a clear process toward normalization of relations with the U.S. will be mapped out.

Behind Door Two/Sticks: If President Bashir and his party fail to meet humanitarian commitments and continue to undermine efforts at peace, they will face diplomatic isolation, targeted multilateral economic sanctions and an effective multilateral arms embargo.

Presidential Leadership
Finally, even if a comprehensive peace strategy contains the first three components, the implementation of the plan depends on personal leadership from President Obama.  He must make this a priority for his administration and lend his personal engagement in building the multilateral coalition needed to achieve peace. As a candidate, President Obama promised to work with unstinting resolve to bring peace to Sudan, and a large constituency is calling on him to fulfill that promise. More than 110,000 Americans signed a petition asking him to roll out a strategy along the lines described above, and it’s time for him to seize the opportunity.