Yesterday, U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The hearing, Sudan: A Critical Moment for the CPA, Darfur and the Region, focused on the United States’ Sudan strategy and the challenges facing Africa’s largest country as it prepares for a referendum on southern succession . Several Senators aggressively questioned General Gration about ongoing violence in Jebel Marra, the recently concluded national elections, implementation of the CPA, continued instability in Darfur, and preparations for next year’s referendum.
The Save Darfur Coalition and several of it’s core partners – American Jewish World Service, the Enough Project and Genocide Intervention Network – released a statement responding to the hearing.
You can watch Special Envoy Gration’s opening remarks above or read his entire prepared statement below (he was not able to deliver them in full at the hearing because of time constraints). You can also read the opening statements from Committee Chairman John Kerry and Ranking Member Richard Lugar.
General Gration’s prepared testimony:
Chairman Kerry, Members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: I am honored by the opportunity to discuss with you today the situation in Sudan and the important challenges that lie ahead. As you noted in your invitation to testify, the coming months clearly bring a series of critical decision points for policymakers in Khartoum, Juba, neighboring capitals, and here in Washington as well. I will focus my remarks today primarily on the road to the referenda in January 2011, the post-2011 planning and capacity-building that need to continue at an accelerated pace, and issues of peace, accountability, and security for Darfur.
Prior to January 2011 there are a number of tasks to be undertaken in a short time period. The United States and the international community in general must be prepared to assist the parties in this endeavor to help maintain peace and stability in Sudan and the region. Before we look ahead, though, it’s important to take a moment to take stock of some of the most important recent developments.
- Chad and Sudan have made notable progress in their bilateral relationship, moving toward stopping the long-running proxy war among rebels from both states and ending support to the rebels, deploying a joint border monitoring force, and opening the border between the two countries on April 14.
- Peace talks under the auspices of the UN and African Union in Doha have resulted in unification of some Darfur rebels into two groups and involved civil society in preparations for negotiations. However, the Darfur rebel leader with the most popular support among the Fur, Abdul Wahid, has refused to participate in the talks. The Justice and Equality Movement – the most militarily significant rebel group in Darfur – last week suspended its participation in the talks amid new reports of clashes with government forces in Darfur.
- In April, Sudan held its first multiparty elections in 24 years in a largely peaceful manner. We share the serious concerns expressed by the Carter Center, the European Union, and other organizations that undertook election observation missions about widespread logistical and administrative challenges and procedural irregularities, restrictions on civil liberties, some cases of fraud, harassment by military and security services, and that the ongoing conflict in Darfur did not permit an environment conducive to elections. We also have concerns about the tabulation process. As these observation missions have also noted, the elections failed to meet international standards. There were some positive outcomes from these elections, in addition to fulfilling a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) milestone. Dozens of registered parties and thousands of candidates participated, and over 10 million votes were cast, according to the National Elections Commission. The elections period also saw renewed engagement by civil society groups and increased civic participation among the populace.
We cannot ignore the challenges that continue to exist, and there is daunting work ahead. There are less than eight months remaining until the referenda. Before those votes take place, there are important issues in the CPA that must be resolved, including:
- North/South Border Demarcation: Earlier this year the parties approved a report detailing undisputed areas of the North/South border, but they need to agree on remaining disputed areas and urgently begin demarcation.
- Southern Sudan Referendum Preparations: The parties must finalize composition of the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission, to be approved by the newly-formed National Assembly, and these bodies must immediately create plans to undertake voter registration and develop voting procedures within a very tight timeline.
- Abyei Referendum Preparations: In addition to finalizing the composition of the Abyei Referendum Commission that must create similar plans, the parties must also resolve sensitive questions around who is eligible to vote in Abyei. The Abyei boundary must also be demarcated.
- Popular Consultations for Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile: Technical committees have begun planning, but commissions to be created from newly-elected state assemblies will undertake the actual consultations. Postponed state-level elections in Southern Kordofan must first take place before this state’s commission can be formed.
The above issues are complex and it is clear that time is limited. The NCP and SPLM must work together in an atmosphere of open dialogue and trust, consulting with other Sudanese stakeholders as necessary to ensure broad support. These CPA issues recently took a back seat to electoral preparations, but now the parties must refocus and intensify their implementation efforts. Both the government in Khartoum and the Government of Southern Sudan are in the process of reallocating positions based on electoral results. In the coming weeks following the elections, they will need to quickly appoint credible ministries and institutions that are able to gather support for the tough decisions that lay ahead.
As we look to the referenda, which are stipulated by the CPA and enshrined in the Interim Constitution of Sudan, we have carefully considered possible scenarios for which the international community should be prepared. The scenario we’d like to see is outlined in the CPA: credible and peaceful referenda are undertaken during which Southern Sudanese choose unity or secession, and the people of Abyei choose whether to remain with the North or join the South. In this scenario the outcomes are respected by the National Congress Party (NCP), the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), other political parties and Sudanese citizens, as well as the international community, including those who signed on to the CPA as witnesses and supporters of implementation of the CPA in 2005. We must also be prepared to respond to less favorable scenarios.
We are mindful that the end of the Interim Period will change the relationship between the north and south, regardless of the outcome of the two referenda. We continue to strongly encourage the parties to formalize a framework for negotiations on post-CPA issues. The critical issues for agreement will include: citizenship, management of natural resources such as oil and water, the status of trans-boundary migratory populations, security arrangements, and assets and liabilities.
Agreement on such issues is necessary both to inform the choices of voters and to ensure a smooth post-2011 transition. We are committed to helping mobilize and coordinate international efforts underway to assist the parties with these negotiations. We must be prepared to invest substantial political and diplomatic energy, as well as technical assistance, to ensure that political will is fostered and agreements are not only reached but also implemented. Only with sustainable arrangements will the parties be able to navigate the many hurdles coming in 2011 and beyond.
Whether or not Southern Sudan becomes independent in July 2011, and regardless of whether it includes Abyei or not, the Government of Southern Sudan will require effective leadership as well as strengthened capacity to undertake effective and accountable governance, provide security, and deliver services to its citizenry. A robust, concerted international effort will be required to assist in this capacity-building effort.
In order to assist in building up the capacity of Southern Sudan, we are undertaking a “Juba Diplomatic Expansion” to include staffing and material assistance on the ground in Sudan to support USG foreign policy objectives. Operating under Chief of Mission authority, staff from the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS) and the Civilian Response Corps (CRC) will provide support to Consulate General Juba and complement USAID’s robust presence in the run-up to and following Southern Sudan’s January 2011 referendum. Staff is assisting in strategic and contingency planning, program oversight, and technical assistance, both in Washington and in the field.
In keeping with President Obama’s emphasis on multilateral efforts in Sudan, we are working closely with our partners in the international community through the Troika, Contact Group, and “E6″ group of envoys. We have an ongoing dialogue with key regional organizations and states, including the African Union, European Union, Arab League, Sudan’s nine neighboring states, China, Russia, and others. We also regularly engage with the United Nations on UN missions in Sudan. With substantial U.S. input, the Security Council recently renewed the mandate of the UNMIS peacekeeping mission, emphasizing the need for the mission to continue its support to the CPA parties to implement all aspects of the CPA, and requesting that UNMIS be prepared to assist the parties in the referenda process. Promising new leadership on both Sudan peacekeeping missions bodes well for future mission operations. The parties have much to do in the final phase of Sudan’s Interim Period and it is our sincere hope that strong international engagement will further bolster these efforts.
While much attention will be focused on the North-South process over the next year, we continue to work on Darfur and the many important unresolved issues there. A definitive end to conflict, gross human rights abuses, and genocide in Darfur remains a key strategic objective, as made clear in the U.S. Strategy on Sudan. Violence continues in and there are credible reports of continued aerial bombardments by the Government of Sudan. This is unconscionable and we have called on the government to immediately renew its ceasefire.
Following progress in Chad-Sudan relations earlier this year, the Darfur peace talks in Doha saw positive progress with the signing of two framework agreements between the Government of Sudan and Darfur rebels in February and March. We are concerned about the Justice and Equality Movement’s decision to leave the peace talks and are encouraging them to return to the negotiating table The UN and African Union are now working hard to include the voices of civil society representatives in the process, implement a ceasefire on the ground, and enter into meaningful and productive political negotiations between the parties.
While issues such as ceasefires, power sharing, and wealth sharing can be addressed at a high level in Doha, we need to think more creatively about how to bring the people of Darfur into local conversations about compensation, land tenure, and rebuilding their communities. Additionally, as stated in the U.S. Strategy on Sudan, accountability for genocide and atrocities is necessary for reconciliation and lasting peace. In addition to supporting international efforts to bring those responsible for genocide and war crimes in Darfur to justice, we are consulting closely with our international partners and Darfuri civil society on ways to strengthen locally-owned accountability and reconciliation mechanisms in light of the recommendations made by the African Union High Level Panel on Darfur led by former South African President Thabo Mbeki.
Local peacebuilding, rule of law, and reconciliation activities must be revived and strengthened. We should not wait for a negotiated political settlement to begin improving the lives of Darfuris. For instance, we are supporting the role of women in peacebuilding and working on the imperative of reducing gender-based violence in Sudan. One of the Administration’s highest priorities for Darfur is to improve security so that the people on the ground who have suffered so greatly can see a tangible improvement in their living conditions. We continue to work closely with UNAMID and relevant stakeholders to enhance protection of civilians, expand humanitarian space for the delivery of life-saving assistance, and consolidate gains in stable areas to prepare for the voluntary return of people to their homes. This is not an easy process, but it’s one international donors must undertake with great urgency.
We are also working with our international partners to improve access for UNAMID and humanitarian workers to areas still affected by fighting between government and rebel forces, such as Jebel Marra and Jebel Moon, as well as inter-tribal fighting, especially in South Darfur. We are also working with the UN and other key partners on a plan to provide increased security in the triangle that is formed by El Fasher, Nyala and El Geneina, where up to half the population of Darfur lives. In the long term, it is imperative to address the underlying causes of conflict, including disputes over land and water resources. This will require the cooperation of the Government of Sudan, vigorous diplomacy by the United States, and sustained support from the international community.
Thank you and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Kerry’s opening statement:
Thank you all for coming. We’re pleased to welcome a familiar face back to the Committee. General Scott Gration, the President’s Special Envoy for Sudan, is just back from travels to East Africa. He joins us this morning to discuss what is truly a critical moment for Sudan.
Many emergencies come with little warning. But in Sudan today, we have not only a map of the fault lines, but a timetable for the tectonic shifts ahead. In January 2011, the people of Southern Sudan are scheduled to vote in a referendum on independence. Every credible poll predicts that the outcome will be a vote for separation. Multiple experts also tell us that if the referendum does not take place on time, then the renewal of a war that claimed 2 million lives becomes tragically likely.
Far less certain is how to find a peaceful path forward. Southern Sudan is not preordained as a failed state, but its fragility is clear. And neither the modalities for peaceful separation nor the mechanisms for successful governance currently exist.
We all understand the stakes. According to Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair, while a number of countries in Asia and Africa are at significant risk of a new outbreak of mass killing over the next five years, Southern Sudan is the place where ―a new mass killing or genocide is most likely to occur.
The implications of Sudan’s instability do not end at its borders. Countries dependent on the Nile’s waters or anxious about their own separatist movements have concerns. Southern Sudan’s neighbors worry about an exodus of refugees. And the Lord’s Resistance Army continues to wreak havoc across Southern Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic.
The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement was intended to create a different future. The larger peace crafted by that agreement has held, but hopes for democratic transformation – an ambitious goal for just five years – have gone unfulfilled. Last month, Sudan held its first national elections in a quarter century, as called for under the CPA. The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and the other opposition parties ultimately boycotted the elections in the North, citing intimidation, voter fraud, and other acts. The White House and most independent observers described the process as seriously flawed from beginning to end.
Today we want to understand the significance of the balloting, but we also need to look at the larger picture of Sudan’s challenges.
That includes Darfur, where the current deadlock leaves many people in camps trapped in what our top diplomat in Sudan described to me as ―miserable stasis.‖ Others in areas such as Jebel Marra are exposed to renewed fighting with Khartoum’s old tactics causing new waves of anguish, civilian casualties, and displacement.
While the CPA provides a timetable for North and South, there is no clear agenda for a peace agreement in Darfur. For those in the camps, seven years after the onset of the genocide, the questions remain the same: land, security, justice and compensation. We must find a way for their voices to be heard—and we need to empower Darfur’s civil society, not simply its armed men.
We must also ensure continued humanitarian assistance to the millions of people in need in Darfur, including vital protection programs that were lost when Khartoum expelled 13 aid groups in March 2009. And we should explore whether simultaneous early recovery activities can be pursued in tandem with humanitarian aid to make lives better for Darfur’s long suffering people.
With a timetable for one potential calamity laid out before us, and an ongoing crisis still playing out in Darfur, this is the moment for contingency planning, ensuring that we have the resources in place to respond to events, and working proactively with the Sudanese North and South, the UN, Sudan’s neighbors and other partners to prevent the worst from coming to pass. Given Dennis Blair’s warning, the stakes are clear. And our window to help the Sudanese people find a peaceful solution is rapidly closing.
It’s time for Congress to reengage on Sudan. As the CPA nears its final act, I am developing legislation to help shape our Sudan policy and ensure that our policies maximize the chances of peace. The bill will seek to re-frame U.S. assistance; prepare for the potential changes that may come; accelerate contingency planning; send important signals to Khartoum, Juba, and other partners; and build U.S. diplomatic and development capacity to address what may become a very difficult season in the life of Africa’s largest country. I look forward to working with the Administration and with my colleagues here today to lay the groundwork for meeting the complex and pressing challenge we face.
Our sole witness this morning is General Scott Gration, the President’s Special Envoy to Sudan. Given the regional stakes, we would have welcomed another witness from the State Department to share a broader perspective. But we do appreciate USAID’s willingness to contribute to this discussion and provide a written statement, and we welcome General Gration.
Senator Lugar’s opening statement:
I join Chairman Kerry in welcoming General Gration back to the Foreign Relations Committee.
The United States has long been invested in helping to stabilize war-torn Sudan. We have been engaged in this problem because it has national security implications and because we have a moral interest in working to prevent humanitarian disasters and genocide. Sudan has been fractured by economic and power-sharing disputes between ethnic groups, as well as relentless violence upon civilians. Conditions there brought a United States declaration of ongoing genocide and an International Criminal Court indictment of President al Bashir.The death toll of the North-South conflict, and the graphic scorched earth strategy in Darfur also elicited remarkable grass roots activism in the United States. Along with like-minded nations, we have achieved some success in preventing military escalation and protecting millions of people at risk in Darfur and the South. But a peace agreement in Darfur is distant and is clouded by uncertainty surrounding the outcome of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement process. Failure of the peace agreement between North and South could have catastrophic consequences for all of Sudan.
In testimony earlier this year, Admiral Dennis Blair, the Director of National Intelligence, said that “a number of countries in Africa and Asia are at significant risk for a new outbreak of mass killing. Among these countries, a new mass killing or genocide is most likely to occur in southern Sudan.” Admiral Blair’s stark assessment was prompted by evidence that the parties are moving toward conflict rather than establishing the foundation for a sustainable peace.
Each side is arming itself with far more lethal equipment than was deployed during the North-South civil war. This weaponry is being purchased with the income from oil that has flowed to both sides since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed. These military expenditures have come at the expense of basic services and infrastructure for the people of Sudan. Rather than conclude agreements on wealth sharing or the demarcation of borders, as called for in the peace agreement, Khartoum and Juba appear to be consolidating their ability to contest oil-producing areas along the proposed border. Neighboring countries have begun to organize their military postures for potential instability on their borders with Sudan.
Most observers agree that South Sudan is poorly equipped to govern its territory and lacks capacity to provide for its inhabitants. International capacity building efforts, including training security forces and building a functioning capital city in Juba, are ongoing, but insufficient. Moreover, during the last twelve months, violence between ethnic groups in South Sudan has reportedly killed 3,000 people and displaced more than 400,000.
As international attention to the North-South conflict increases, Darfur risks being relegated to a lesser priority. This may suit the Khartoum regime and its proxies, as well as the myriad criminal elements
operating in the Darfur region. Consequently, international vigilance towards Darfur should be heightened.
Although the mortality rate across Darfur has dropped, some three million people remain displaced and at risk. Through U.S. efforts, several expelled aid agencies have been able to return to Darfur, but the safety net for Darfur’s displaced millions remains tenuous. The United Nations hybrid peacekeeping mission with the African Union continues to lack adequate helicopter support to respond to threats to civilians across vast distances.Given these complex circumstances, U.S. efforts related to Sudan must be fully resourced, and the Administration must be speaking with one voice. Last July, during General Gration’s testimony before our Committee, he identified several staffing needs. I look forward to hearing from him today about whether these needs have been met and whether any additional resources are required for this problem. I also look forward to his assessments of the prospects for negotiations, as well as U.S. options in the event of escalating conflict.
I thank the Chairman for holding this hearing.
We will post a full transcript and video of the hearing as soon as they are available.
The opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Save Darfur Coalition.
Tags: CPA, Darfur, John Kerry, Referendum On Secession, Richard Lugar, Scott Gration, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, South Sudan, Sudan, US Congress, Video
