The outgoing commander of the joint UN-African Union (UNAMID) peacekeeping force, Martin Luther Agwai, made news earlier today when he told reporters that, “As of today, I would not say there is a war going on in Darfur.” He added that the conflict has now devolved into banditry and “very low intensity” engagements between belligerents:
Militarily there is not much. What you have is security issues more now. Banditry, localized issues, people trying to resolve issues over water and land at a local level. But real war as such, I think we are over that.
This description aligns closely with some other reports about the state of armed conflict in Darfur. It does not mean, however, that the political and humanitarian crisis in Darfur is over. Nor does it even mean that full-scale fighting is over. Asked about the possibility of renewed fighting, Agwai replied: “I would never say never.”
With or without active warfare in Darfur, the situation remains dangerous and bleak for millions of Darfuris. Peace does not appear around the corner and, as we all know by now, over 2.7 million live in IDP camps and roughly 4.7 million are dependent in some way on humanitarian assistance. When 13 humanitarian organizations were expelled in March, furthermore, we learned how vulnerable this humanitarian operation – the world’s largest – is to the political machinations of President Bashir and the National Congress Party (NCP).
Agwai’s remarks also must be taken in context of his other recent statements assessing security and civilian protection in Darfur. The Force Commander has been vocal throughout his tenure in calling for greater UNAMID support, and earlier this week cautioned that while progress has been made, much more still needs to be done. Last month’s report of the UN Secretary-General on UNAMID deployment urges the international community to “Adapt and respond to evolving security realities in Darfur,” warning that “While large-scale conflict has decreased…the security situation in Darfur has been volatile,” presenting “an ongoing threat to civilians and placing enormous stress on the mission.” However, in extending the mission’s mandate, the UN Security Council stressed that no military solution can resolve Darfur alone, and that both “an inclusive political settlement and the successful deployment of UNAMID are essential to re-establishing peace.”
Consistent with both Agwai and the UN Security Council’s remarks, a return to full-scale fighting is still a distinct possibility because securing a peace agreement for the people of Darfur remains elusive. Agwai confirmed assessments from other analysts that a peace agreement in the short-term is remote “[b]ecause of the fragmentation of the rebel groups.” Over the last month, we have seen a multitude of efforts to unify the movements’ negotiating positions so that the next round of negotiations in Doha can begin. US Special Envoy Scott Gration released this statement yesterday about his contributions to this effort in Addis Ababa and Cairo last week.
Another challenge is continuing border tensions between Chad and Sudan; these tensions – according to UNAMID Joint Special Representative Rodolphe Adada – represent “one of the major obstacles to the peace and security of Darfur,” and “could exacerbate conditions for Darfur’s civilians.”
As the rebels squabble among themselves and complex regional threats simmer, the leaders of Bashir’s NCP continue their current strategy of playing nice and pledging their willingness to negotiate with the Darfuri factions and quickly resolve the Darfur crisis. Their actions, though, belie this charm offensive. For instance, many NCP leaders are now calling for Darfur civil society leaders and other unarmed parties to take the initiative on the peace process. We must not forget, however, that the Sudanese government blocked the safe passage of these leaders to a gathering in Addis Ababa three months ago as part of an initiative known as Mandate Darfur.
Just today, the Sudan Tribune ran a story about how Darfuris in the IDP camps feel that the government has not adequately addressed their needs and concerns:
Hussein Abu Saharti the spokesperson of Darfur IDPs, told Sudan Tribune by telephone they welcome these efforts but are following with concern this process because it does not take in consideration their demand for protection of civilians and evacuation of new settlers who occupy IDP lands.
“The government must freeze settlement programme and remove new settlers from our lands before to engage the peace process,” he said.
Until Darfuris are allowed the political space to convene and prepare for negotiations, the NCP’s statements regarding Darfuri political empowerment and respect for human rights should be viewed with profound suspicion. Take for instance the disingenuous comments from Sudanese Presidential advisor Abdallah Masar in today’s Al-Sahafa (a Sudanese newspaper published in Arabic). He said, “[T]he real solution of the issue [Darfur] is to give rights to the citizens of the region.” Of course, a root cause of Sudan’s interlocking crises is the lack of fundamental human rights for the country’s citizens. In Darfur, UNAMID human rights monitoring missions documented in recent months 13 cases of “arbitrary and illegal arrest and detention by Government security forces,” adding that in some cases the detainees were “subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or torture.” Although Bashir has rearranged the leadership of his security forces and has adjusted his rhetoric, positive, concrete changes have yet to be seen.
The UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Sudan, Dr. Sima Samar, released a report in June to the UN Human Rights Council that covers the period of August 2008 to May 2009. In regards to the situation in Darfur, she gave a disturbing assessment that highlighted the “unabated” violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. She suggests in this report that the same fractionalization and decentralization of armed groups described today by outgoing UNAMID Commander Agwai has resulted in “increased abuses against the civilian population.” Samar specifically identifies sexual and gender-based violence as well as the crackdown on NGOs as weakening human rights protection in Darfur.
Since the release of her report, neither has improved. If anything, the humanitarian situation has become more dire. Since the expulsion of NGOs, attacks on aid workers – once “unheard of in Darfur” – are on the rise. These workers provide roughly 4.7 million Darfuris with some form of humanitarian assistance. It is also important to mention that this month, UNAMID established a special unit for Gender Crimes, acknowledging the ongoing and very serious need to investigate “crimes committed against women and children” and provide justice to the victims.
Other human rights abuses are pervasive as well in Darfur. In a July report to the UN Human Rights Council, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, Radhika Coomaraswamy, reported that the high incidence of rape and sexual violence against children in Sudan remains of particular concern. She also included Sudan as part of a group of countries where “children who are internally displaced…are vulnerable to a host of other threats, including separation from family, trafficking, abduction by armed groups, lack of food and basic services, detention against their will and exploitation and abuse.” In this report, she identified thirteen parties in Darfur that recruit or use children in situations of armed conflict, including the Sudanese Armed Forces, government police forces, and government supported militias; six rebel groups that signed the Darfur Peace Agreement of 2006; and three leading rebel groups that rejected the Darfur Peace Agreement: the Justice and Equality Movement, Sudan Liberation Army – Abdel Wahid, and Sudan Liberation Army – Unity.
And what is the Sudanese government doing about these human rights abuses? Absolutely nothing concludes the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) per an August report on human rights and transitional justice by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. The reports states that UNMIS expresses concern that a Sudanese special court set up to investigate “events” in Darfur has failed “to deal with major violations of human rights and international humanitarian law which were committed during the conflict in Darfur.”
While the nature of the violence in Darfur has certainly changed, it remains a human rights and humanitarian crisis of the first order. Agwai’s comments may get headlines, but these reports reveal without doubt that Darfuri civilians lack even the most basic human rights. Despite their hopes and prayers for peace and protection, the nightmare that began over six years ago continues.
The opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Save Darfur Coalition.
Tags: Darfur, Government of Sudan, Human Rights, Scott Gration, Sudan, UNAMID, United Nations, Violence Against Women
